VZCZCXRO4998
OO RUEHAG RUEHAST RUEHDA RUEHDF RUEHFL RUEHIK RUEHKW RUEHLA RUEHLN
RUEHLZ RUEHPOD RUEHROV RUEHSR RUEHVK RUEHYG
DE RUEHMO #0229/01 0301432
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
O 301432Z JAN 08
FM AMEMBASSY MOSCOW
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 6318
INFO RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHXD/MOSCOW POLITICAL COLLECTIVE PRIORITY

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 MOSCOW 000229 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PREL PHUM RS
SUBJECT: RUSSIA'S INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY AND COOPERATION 
 
REF: MOSCOW 5266 
 
¶1.  (SBU) Summary.  As Russia's new Institute for Democracy 
and Cooperation prepares to open its New York and Paris 
offices, Institute Chairman Kucherena claimed to us that its 
purpose was not "propaganda," but to provide a Russian 
perspective on human rights and democracy and to aid in the 
creation of common standards for measuring them.  He laid out 
the organization's structural priorities, defended the 
organization's independence from the GOR, and explained the 
source of funding (mostly government grants).  In a 
subsequent press conference, Kucherena introduced well-known 
analyst Andranik Migranyan, as head of the New York office, 
and pro-Kremlin NGO leader Nataliya Narochnitskaya, as head 
of the Paris office.  The Institute's priorities not 
surprisingly echo Putin's efforts to project resurgent 
Russia's increasing "soft power" abroad.  End Summary. 
 
Nuts and Bolts 
-------------- 
 
¶2.  (SBU) In a January 24 meeting with Embassy, founder and 
Chairman of the Institute of Democracy and Cooperation 
Anatoliy Kucherena stated that in his position as Chairman of 
the Public Chamber Commission on Law Enforcement Bodies, 
Power Agencies, and Reform of the Judicial System, he had 
proposed the creation of a Russian human rights NGO at a 
meeting with Putin in early 2007.  Fifteen Russian regional 
and inter-regional NGOs, as well as American and Western 
European human rights organizations, were involved in 
consultations about the Institute's format before Putin 
announced its creation at the October 2007 EU-Russia Summit 
in Mafra (reftel). 
 
¶3.  (U)  Kucherena explained that the Institute's Paris and 
New York offices would each be staffed by 10 employees, with 
an equal number of American or French experts and Russian 
analysts in each office.  The Institute had obtained office 
space in central Paris, and it continues to look for prime 
real estate in New York.  At a January 28 press conference, 
Kucherena announced executive directors of the two field 
offices: 
 
-- President of the Historical Prospect Foundation Nataliya 
Narochnitskaya will head the Institute's Paris office. 
Narochnitskaya was previously the Deputy Chairwoman of the 
International Relations Committee in the Duma as a member of 
the nationalist Rodina party, and spent eight years at the 
Soviet Mission to the UN in New York.  She was a critic of 
NATO intervention in the former Yugoslavia, and was known for 
her opposition to globalization, supranational organizations, 
and loss of national sovereignty. 
 
-- MGIMO professor and former Yeltsin advisor Andranik 
Migranyan will head the New York Office.  Migranyan, a member 
of the Public Chamber and vice-president of the NGO 
Soglasiye, has been an outspoken, but moderate, advocate of 
the Kremlin's worldview, as well as a leader in 
Armenian-Russian circles. 
 
Key Priorities of the Institute 
------------------------------- 
 
¶4.  (U) Kucherena, Migranyan, and Narochnitskaya stated that 
the primary goal of the Institute was to cooperate with 
non-governmental organizations in Russia and abroad for the 
development of civil society institutions and democracy.  The 
Institute plans to "monitor" and establish dialogue with 
Western states -- and eventually Russia's own neighborhood -- 
in the areas of: 
 
-- Democratic practices; 
 
-- Human rights and religious freedoms; 
 
-- Ethnic minorities, including xenophobia. 
 
At the press conference, Narochnitskaya noted that the 
Institute would take the socio-economic situation in a 
country into account when inspecting the human rights 
situation, and singled out Turkey, France, and Latvia as 
countries where the situation of ethnic minorities was 
problematic. 
 
¶5.  (SBU) Kucherena replayed to us the Kremlin's line that 
this was a public initiative, "without state control," 
although it would bring in politicians, as well.  Kucherena 
described the Institute as a "political Davos."  At the press 
conference, however, Migranyan admitted that the work of the 
Institute would be "coordinated" with the Russian 
authorities, who expected joint work between public and 
 
MOSCOW 00000229  002 OF 002 
 
 
government experts.  He compared this to analysts moving in 
and out of government in Western countries, giving the 
example of an American who transitioned from the Department 
of State, to the Carnegie Center, to the NSC, and finally to 
the Kissinger Foundation. 
 
"Perspective, not Propaganda" 
----------------------------- 
 
¶6.  (SBU) Kucherena told us repeatedly that neither he nor 
Putin saw the Institute as an instrument of propaganda. 
Kucherena insisted that both Western and Russian press were 
completely off base in claiming that the Institute was 
anti-Western or even a Russian version of "Freedom House." 
The aim of the Institute was to introduce a Russian 
perspective on human rights and democracy.  America already 
had influence on Russia, but Russian influence on America was 
sorely lacking, and the Institute could help the world 
understand Russia in its cultural context.  He asserted that 
the Institute would help "raise Russia's profile in the world 
and improve Russia's image."  However, Kucherena said that 
Russia's image abroad would not be improved by criticizing 
others, but by demonstrating its achievements. 
 
¶7.  (SBU) When asked about the possibility of preparing human 
rights reports on western countries, Kucherena said the 
Institute would not issue reports similar to the U.S. Human 
Rights Report, but the experts would prepare analytic papers 
on "various issues."  Narochnitskaya and Migranyan said they 
intended to fight against attempts to "monopolize control" 
over norms and standards of democracy and human rights, 
although both promised to monitor "problems, not states." 
Kucherena added that the Institute would help develop common 
standards for monitoring democracy and human rights, and to 
spark debate in areas of common concern.  Narochnitskaya 
noted that "this was not retaliation," and that there were 
thousands of organizations which study human rights in "every 
country other than their own." 
 
Financing 
--------- 
 
¶8.  (U) Kucherena stated that the budget for the Institute 
was still unclear, as administrative issues were still being 
considered.  He mentioned that the Institute was still 
negotiating prices for real estate in New York, along with 
salary negotiations for experts, and that the budget "would 
be approved later."  (NOTE: When pressed by a Spanish 
journalist for a dollar figure during the press conference, 
Kucherena became defensive.) 
 
¶9.  (SBU) Although the Russian MFA told us shortly after 
Putin's announcement in Mafra that the GOR was planning to 
invest more than one million euros in the project, Kucherena 
was vague about sources of funding.  He told us that "as much 
private money as possible" would be used to fund the 
Institute, and expressed confidence that Russian businessmen 
would be active in its financing.  However, he admitted that 
"as with most Western NGOs," the Institute would start off 
with government grants. 
 
Comment 
------- 
 
¶11.  (SBU) The goals of the Institute remain ambiguous, but 
the intent is obviously to continue Putin's efforts to 
project Russian influence globally.  This not-quite 
nongovernmental organization is a novel step in Russia's 
expanding outreach efforts.  Mirgranyan and Narochnitskaya 
are capable, and we expect them to be energetic, pro-Kremlin 
public figures when they take up their new duties. 
BURNS