VZCZCXRO8413
RR RUEHLN RUEHPOD RUEHVK RUEHYG
DE RUEHMO #0159/01 0230333
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 230333Z JAN 08
FM AMEMBASSY MOSCOW
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 6238
INFO RUEHXD/MOSCOW POLITICAL COLLECTIVE
RUCNCIS/CIS COLLECTIVE

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 MOSCOW 000159 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PHUM PREF SOCI SMIG RS
SUBJECT: RUSSIA: XENOPHOBIA REMAINS SERIOUS PROBLEM 
 
REF: A: 07 ST. PETERSBURG 283 
 
     B: 07 MOSCOW 564 
     C: 07 MOSCOW 12369 
     D: 06 VLADIVOSTOK 165 
     E: 07 YEKATERINBURG 111 
     F: 07 ST. PETERSBURG 245 
 G: 07 MOSCOW 4089 
 H: 07 MOSCOW 4124 
 
Summary 
------- 
 
¶1. (SBU) Xenophobia continues to be a problem in the Russian 
Federation.  In the last year, the number of violent incidents 
against those who are not Russian or who do not look Russian did not 
increase as dramatically as it has in the past, but the small but 
steady increase reveals an intractable problem with which the 
country must come to grips.  The number of perpetrators of 
hate-related crimes is increasing as skinheads and members of 
nationalist groups make their presence felt throughout Russia.  The 
root causes of xenophobia are difficult to determine, but some 
experts point to longstanding social and economic problems that lead 
many to promote a message of "Russia for Russians."  The government 
has sent mixed signals; on the one hand acknowledging the problem 
while on the other hand trumpeting messages of Russian greatness 
that may feed the phenomenon.  Prosecution of hate crimes is 
challenging under Russian law, since it requires proof of motive. 
The result is that it is easier to prosecute these crimes as 
"hooliganism" than as hate-motivated crimes. End summary. 
 
Xenophobic Violence in 2007 
--------------------------- 
 
¶2. (SBU) It remains difficult to quantify the true extent of 
xenophobic violence.  Experts believe that government statistics 
underreport the problem of hate-related crimes.  At the same time, 
official statistics for "extremist" crimes are higher than those of 
human rights organizations due to the government's broad definition 
of extremism.  The Interior Ministry reported 327 crimes related to 
extremism during January - November, 2007.  Several NGOs, including 
the Moscow Bureau for Human Rights and the Sova Center, track hate 
crime statistics by looking at official statistics while also 
collecting anecdotal reports from the media, NGOs and other sources. 
 As a result of differing data collection methods, the numbers can 
vary widely. 
 
¶3.  (U) The Moscow Bureau for Human Rights recently released its 
annual report on hate crimes.  According to their report for 2007, 
the level of xenophobic violence has grown by one-third since 2006 
and the number of deaths resulting from hate-motivated violence in 
2007 increased by twenty percent.  There were 230 incidents of 
xenophobic violence in 2007, including 74 deaths and 317 injuries. 
Moscow and the Moscow region accounted for 44 deaths and 107 people 
injured in hate-related violence in 2007. 
 
¶4. (U) A recent report by the Sova Center showed numbers that were 
little changed from 2006.  According to the Center, in 2007, no less 
than 550 people were attacked, 68 fatally, for hate-related reasons. 
 Sova's report noted that these figures do not include 
"underreported attacks on homeless people and on lesbian, gay, 
bisexual, and transgender people."  (In 2007, there were four 
murders of homeless people which the police suspected were 
perpetrated by neo-Nazis.)  By comparison, there were 539 victims of 
hate crimes in 2006 including 54 deaths.  In 2005, there were 461 
victims and 47 deaths.  Hate crime incidents have increased every 
year since the Sova Center began issuing annual reports in 2003. 
Moscow, St. Petersburg and Nizhniy Novgorod "remain the major 
centers of racist violence," the Center reported.  Others in the 
human rights community also point to Ingushetia as one of the least 
tolerant regions of Russia with Kalmykia and Rostov-on-Don also 
making that list.  The Sova Center's report does not include 
statistics for the North Caucasus. 
 
¶5. (U) Recent incidents from NGO sources and the media include the 
following: 
 
- In early December 2007, a Nigerian riding the metro in Moscow was 
approached by four skinheads, one of whom pulled out a knife and 
asked, "What are you doing in our country?"  The man was rescued by 
several riders who removed him from the train before the skinheads 
could attack. 
 
- On December 1, 2007, journalist and Tuva Government press 
secretary Sayana Mongush, was attacked by a group of skinheads on 
 
SIPDIS 
the St. Petersburg subway (Ref A).  Since then, 11 individuals 
between the ages of 14 to 18 have been arrested on charges related 
to that attack and others, including the murder of a migrant worker 
from Uzbekistan. 
 
- On December 11, 2007, a group of people armed with baseball bats 
and steel bars attacked construction workers from North Korea in a 
 
MOSCOW 00000159  002 OF 004 
 
 
Moscow suburb. Of the 39 people attacked, 16 were injured and four 
were taken to the hospital with serious injuries.  Because the 
attackers were from the Caucasus (themselves a minority), law 
enforcement officials denied hatred as a motive and attributed the 
attack to "hooliganism." 
 
The Perpetrators and Their Victims 
---------------------------------- 
 
¶6. (SBU) According to Aleksandr Brod of the Moscow Human Rights 
Bureau, radical and nationalist organizations are growing in Russia 
and there are approximately 70,000 skinheads throughout the country. 
 Disturbing to Brod is the fact that skinheads are appearing in 
small cities in addition to metropolitan areas such as Moscow and 
St. Petersburg.  Skinheads tend to be young (15-20 years) and 
extremely nationalistic.  Typically, they have acted in small groups 
that are not centrally organized and they communicate via the 
internet. 
 
¶7. (SBU) In addition to skinhead groups, Brod told us about 
well-organized, national political movements such as the Movement 
against Illegal Immigration (Ref B), which is able to organize mass 
actions throughout the country.  He accused the organization of 
sending its representatives to Russian regions in order to further 
inflame incidents like the one that led to inter-ethnic riots in 
Kondopoga, Republic of Karelia in September 2006. 
 
¶8. (SBU) The lack of organization among skinheads may be changing. 
In St. Petersburg, a recent series of attacks over the course of a 
few days showed some level of coordination.  The police 
investigation following the attacks led to the discovery of an 
apartment from which the attacks may have been planned and 
coordinated. 
 
¶9. (SBU) According to Gang Li, UNHCR's Senior Protection Officer in 
Moscow, the ethnic groups at greatest risk of ethnic violence in 
Russia are North Koreans, Chinese and Uzbeks. He noted that not only 
are they at risk of xenophobic violence, but they are at risk of 
being forcibly returned to their country of origin by authorities. 
 
¶10. (SBU) Reverend Robert Bronkema of the Moscow Protestant 
Chaplaincy, whose parishioners include many African diplomats, 
students and refugees, told us that many live in fear.  They do 
everything they can to avoid altercations including avoiding stadium 
areas and not venturing out on holidays, days when there are high 
profile soccer matches, or Hitler's birthday.  The Chaplaincy runs a 
parish center in Moscow, which Rev. Bronkema described as "a place 
where people of color can come and feel safe." 
 
¶11. (U) In a survey conducted by sociologists of the Public Opinion 
Foundation every fourth respondent expressed dislike of certain 
ethnic groups. The sociologists warned that the results of the 
survey indicate a "dangerously high" level of bigotry in the 
country. 
 
Root Causes 
----------- 
 
¶12. (U) Some attribute the causes of xenophobia to social and 
economic problems in the country.  The large and growing gap between 
rich and poor, the lack of youth policy and limited opportunities 
for some workers may be the reason why young people in particular 
are attracted to nationalist groups.  Others say economic factors 
are just an excuse and that violence against ethnic minorities is 
purely based on hatred.  Others point to recent history such as the 
independence movement in Chechnya and terrorist attacks such as the 
Moscow apartment building bombings in 1999, the storming of the 
Dubrovka Theater in 2002 and the Beslan school tragedy in 2004, as 
events that crystallized xenophobic thinking and provided excuses 
for public expressions of racist sentiments. 
 
¶13. (U) The upsurge in Russian patriotism in recent years may also 
be feeding xenophobia.  As leaders promote Russian greatness, some 
take this a step further to espouse the cause of "Russia for 
Russians."  Well-known Russian writer Lev Rubinshteyn in his recent 
book equated patriotism with xenophobia.  Commenting on national 
behavior he writes:  "patriots and xenophobes, are one and the 
same." 
 
Mixed Messages from the Government 
---------------------------------- 
 
¶14. (U) The government has acknowledged that the problem of 
xenophobia exists and is growing.  Human Rights Ombudsman Vladimir 
Lukin, in his report on human rights issued in 2007, stated that 
nationalistic and xenophobic sentiments continued growing during 
¶2006.  "Cases of racial, ethnic, and religious hatred resulting in 
violence and mass clashes became more frequent.  Victims of hate 
crimes are people of various nationalities - Russian citizens, and 
people with non-Slavic appearance in particular, as well as people 
from the near and far abroad. Hate crimes are becoming more and more 
 
MOSCOW 00000159  003 OF 004 
 
 
brutal and cynical and the circles of people involved are widening," 
the report stated.  Valeriy Tishkov an anthropologist and member of 
the Public Chamber acknowledged "an increase in ultranationalist 
sentiments" but noted 2007 was "relatively calm."  As proof, he 
cited the State Duma campaign in which "the nationalist card was not 
played as compared with the previous campaign."  He also suggested 
that the increase in extremist crimes may reflect improved 
performance by law enforcement in detecting these crimes.  Despite 
official acknowledgment of the problem, Brod told us that after 
xenophobic incidents occur, federal and local officials make 
statements then "nothing is done" to address the underlying causes. 
 
 
¶15. (SBU) The government has sent mixed signals.  In January 2007, 
under the guise of controlling migration, a limit was imposed on the 
percentage of migrants permitted to work in markets (Ref B).  The 
new limit disproportionately affected Azeri vendors of fruits and 
vegetables.  In April 2007, this restriction was further expanded to 
forbid migrants from selling goods in markets (they are permitted to 
own market stalls and work there but they cannot make retail sales.) 
The restrictions were an internal political move that fanned 
xenophobic sentiments.  Putin, for his part, made comments about the 
need to "'Russify' the markets."  In the fall of 2006, the 
government created hysteria against Georgians living in Russia 
following Georgia's accusation that several Russian diplomats 
serving in Tblisi were spies.  Many Georgians were deported, 
Georgian restaurants were closed, students with Georgian last names 
were forced to leave schools and Russia stopped importing Georgian 
wine and mineral water. 
 
¶16. (SBU) Attempts at the national level to respond to xenophobia 
have been limited to non-existent.  Brod told us a federal tolerance 
program was shut down in 2005 and has not been replaced.  A 
tolerance program in Moscow featuring billboard messages is underway 
and "well-funded," according to Brod.  Some in the NGO community 
criticize the 250 million ruble campaign as ineffective.  Galina 
Kozhevnikova of Sova Center told us NGOs that know about these 
issues were not consulted and that most of the money has ended up in 
the hands of various ethnic groups instead of being used to promote 
tolerance and aid those who have been victims of xenophobia.  In St. 
Petersburg, Governor Matviyenko launched a tolerance program in 2006 
which was intended to focus on education and improving inter-ethnic 
and inter-faith dialogue.  Although a step in the right direction, 
the program has received mixed reviews for lack of funds, focus and 
results. 
 
¶17. (SBU) Brod, who was recently appointed to the Public Chamber by 
Putin, told us he would like to use the institution to initiate a 
tolerance campaign.  He is optimistic about his future plans despite 
the fact that reports and recommendations generated by the Public 
Chamber in the past largely have collected dust.  His main goal is 
to initiate a new federal tolerance program aimed at involving 
authorities more actively in anti-hate crime initiatives and 
training. 
 
¶18. (SBU) In the recent Duma campaign, there was no clear effort to 
appeal to nationalist sentiments and the government, in general, has 
been at pains to distance itself from xenophobic acts or campaigns. 
Moscow Mayor Luzhkov strongly condemned attacks that took place one 
evening near the Kremlin in June 2007, by ultranationalists of the 
Movement against Illegal Immigration against people from the 
Caucasus and Central Asia. One ethnic Armenian woman was 
hospitalized with stab wounds and 42 people were detained in the 
incident.  Luzhkov said: "Any display of chauvinism, xenophobia or 
nationalism will be harshly put down in our capital."  The annual 
nationalist "Russian March" in March, 2007 (Ref C) fell flat when 
Moscow city authorities went to great lengths to prevent the march, 
which had far fewer participants than organizers expected, from 
ballooning out of control.  Other such marches including a "Unity 
Day" march in Vladivostok in 2006 also fell short of expectations 
(Ref D).  In 2007, Russia's mainstream nationalist party "Rodina" 
was compelled, under Kremlin pressure, to merge with two other 
non-nationalist parties and its charismatic political leader, 
Dmitriy Rogozin, was appointed Ambassador to NATO, a move many 
attributed to the GOR's desire to dampen a nationalist vote. 
 
¶19. (SBU) At the local level, there is more evidence of willingness 
on the part of authorities to deal with intolerance.  In 
Yekaterinburg, a major destination for migrants from Central Asia 
(Reftel E), local officials are developing hostels to house migrants 
while they apply for work permits and undergo health examinations. 
In addition, the regional government established a labor migration 
center to assist migrants with work permits and housing.  Trainings 
for employers have also been conducted so they understand the law on 
migration. 
 
¶20. (SBU) In Karelia, one year after the ethnically fueled riots in 
Kondopoga, local officials and Muslim leaders say things have 
improved quite a bit (Ref F.)  Authorities have tried to generate 
dialogue among various ethnic and religious groups and the 
prosecution of those involved on both sides in the riots has 
 
MOSCOW 00000159  004 OF 004 
 
 
proceeded relatively fairly. 
 
Prosecutors Opt for Easy Conviction 
----------------------------------- 
 
¶21. (SBU) The prosecution of hate crimes is a mixed bag. From the 
prospective of prosecutors, they face the same problems with hate 
crime cases as they do with organized crime cases: weak witness 
protection and no mechanism for getting cooperating defendant 
testimony.  Also, some prosecutors are unskilled at presenting cases 
in court.  Hate crime cases require proof of motive which can be 
difficult to prove when other factors such as robbery or drunkenness 
are also involved. The result is that it is easier to prosecute 
crimes involving hooliganism, which does not require proof of 
motive. 
 
¶22. (SBU) The Sova Center reported that prosecution of racist 
violence in 2007 slowed down.  The center reported that there were 
at least 19 court decisions "in connection with racist and neo-nazi 
violence," including nine convictions for murder or heavy bodily 
harm which resulted in death.  The Center noted a "change in 
attitude" of the Moscow Prosecutor's Office which they said is less 
concerned with high profile crimes.  They do credit the Moscow 
Prosecutor's Office, however, with recognizing neo-Nazi violence. 
Kozhevnikova told us local authorities also have been doing more to 
remove racist propaganda such as leaflets and graffiti under the law 
on extremism.  She noted a downside in the misuse of this same law 
against the political opposition and human rights activists. 
 
¶23. (U) The Embassy's Law Enforcement Section provides extensive 
technical assistance to Russian law enforcement and legislators 
designed to improve Russia's ability to investigate and prosecute 
violent criminal activity, including hate crimes.  Prosecutors in 
St. Petersburg credited Embassy training for convictions they 
obtained in cases involving the skinhead murders of an African 
student and a local anti-fascist activist (Reftel G).  In addition, 
Embassy LES has worked closely with the Presidential Administration 
and Duma to draft cooperating witness legislation, which will make 
it easier for prosecutors to obtain and use the testimony of 
cooperating defendants in court.  According to law enforcement 
sources, the current absence of such legislation seriously inhibits 
the prosecution of hate crimes (Reftel H). 
 
¶24. (U) USAID has supported small programs in Ryazan, Kazan, Nizhniy 
Novgorod, Stavropol and Rostov-on-Don designed to create a climate 
of mutual trust between law enforcement and the community and to 
counteract intolerance and extremism.  Local Tolerance Councils in 
each city, comprised of religious and community leaders and members 
of the law enforcement community, help to educate the police about 
tolerance and hate crimes and to improve inter-ethnic and 
inter-religious understanding.  USAID also supports the Moscow 
Helsinki Group's new program to more closely monitor anti-Semitism 
and teach young people about discrimination and tolerance in 
selected regions. 
 
COMMENT 
------- 
 
¶25. (SBU) It is difficult to know the true extent of the problem of 
xenophobia in Russia.  Statistics are of limited use because of 
their lack of reliability which is acknowledged by governmental and 
non-governmental sources alike.  Changing attitudes will require a 
long-term solution but in the short term, Russia would do well to 
get a handle on the recording of hate crimes by training law 
enforcement to recognize and report accurately on hate crimes and to 
pass legislation to provide additional legal tools for the 
prosecution of these crimes.  Until then, the small number of NGOs 
that focus on tolerance issues will fight an uphill battle in a 
climate where a resurgent Russia promotes messages of Russian 
greatness and does little to protect those who are vulnerable.