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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 15 TOKYO 005099 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 11/02/07 
 
Index: 
 
(1) Dispatch of SDF overseas under a permanent law would be 
"conditioned on a UN resolution," says Foreign Minister Koumura 
(Yomiuri Online) 
 
(2) Japan's calling-off of MSDF refueling activities: US irritated 
at do-nothing policy; Japan urged to take next step (Mainichi) 
 
(3) MSDF pullout from Indian Ocean (Part 1): SDF adrift over 
international contributions; With series of scandals involving 
Defense ministry, organizational reform being called for (Nikkei) 
 
(4) Steep road ahead for resumption of refueling operation (Nikkei) 
 
 
(5) MSDF pullout: Japan's role hardly replaceable with another 
country (Yomiuri) 
 
(6) Path to resuming refueling operation not in sight (Asahi) 
 
(7) End of MSDF refueling mission: Enormous national interests to be 
lost, including military intelligence, relationship of alliance; 
crude oil, etc (Yomiuri) . 
 
(8) Editorial: Prime Minister Fukuda should show resolve to pass new 
refueling bill (Sankei) 
 
(9) Futenma alternative: Gov. Nakaima proposed offshore relocation 
up to 215 meters (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(10) Fukuda, Ozawa desperate to put cap on rumor on LDP-DPJ "grand 
alliance" (Sankei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Dispatch of SDF overseas under a permanent law would be 
"conditioned on a UN resolution," says Foreign Minister Koumura 
(Yomiuri Online) 
 
YOMIURI ONLINE (Full) 
November 2, 2007 
 
Meeting with the press after a cabinet meeting this morning, Foreign 
Minister Koumura expressed his view that in case a permanent law 
(regular law) for overseas dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) 
is enacted, the dispatch of the SDF should be conditioned on a 
United Nations resolution. 
 
The foreign minister said: 
 
"Although there is a problem of setting the conditions so strict 
that the law would actually never be used, it would be difficult to 
create (a permanent law) without adding the condition of a UN 
resolution. In case we wanted to send out the SDF without a UN 
resolution, that would be done by a political decision at the time 
(such as to enact a special measures law)." 
 
On the other hand, Defense Minister Ishiba at his press conference 
said: "For various reasons, there is not always a UN resolution 
issued. The way Japan determines it fate is to entrust it to the 
Diet, which represents the Japanese people. That seems to be way we 
 
TOKYO 00005099  002 OF 015 
 
 
do things." In his view, therefore, (SDF dispatches) should be 
premised on the involvement of the Diet and not necessarily on a UN 
resolution. 
 
On this issue, Democratic Party of Japan President Ozawa has 
indicated his view that in case a general law is enacted, the 
condition should be a UN resolution. 
 
(2) Japan's calling-off of MSDF refueling activities: US irritated 
at do-nothing policy; Japan urged to take next step 
 
MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) 
November 1, 2007 
 
Japan's Maritime Self-Defense Force has been tasked with refueling 
operations in the Indian Ocean for about six years under the 
Antiterrorism Special Measures Law. Today, the MSDF's refueling 
mission there will end as the antiterror law runs out. The MSDF's 
refueling in the Indian Ocean came up as a point of contention 
between the ruling and opposition blocs in the Diet, with the 
leading opposition Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) winning a 
landslide victory in this summer's election for the House of 
Councillors. Shortly thereafter, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe stepped 
down. Japan will now lose the pillar of its activities in the war on 
terror. Other countries are having a hard time of it. They are also 
getting troubled. Even so, they are hanging in there on the 
battlefield. Where will Japan go in its international cooperation? 
The government has now introduced a new antiterror legislative 
measure to the Diet in order for Japan to resume refueling 
activities. The legislation, however, is not expected to get through 
the Diet. In the Diet, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and the 
DPJ are trying to find a way out of the impasse. 
 
"We hope all Japanese lawmakers will understand that this operation 
is an international mission. This is an issue beyond political 
parties." 
 
On the morning of Oct. 13, the Canadian Embassy in Tokyo hosted an 
international joint briefing. There were ambassadors from 11 
countries, including the United States, Britain, Germany, and 
France. Those 11 countries are participating in Operation Enduring 
Freedom and Maritime Interdiction Operations (OEF-MIO) in the Indian 
Ocean. The Afghan ambassador was also there. In the briefing were 
about 70 Japanese lawmakers from the ruling and opposition parties. 
In their presence, the diplomatic corps from those OEF-MIO 
constituent members emphasized the need for Japan to keep up the 
MSDF's refueling activities in the Indian Ocean. After the briefing, 
US Ambassador to Japan Schieffer made the foregoing remarks as he 
met reporters. 
 
Even so, the war on terror is led by the United States. US oilers 
are expected to reschedule their missions in order to make up for 
the gap after Japan's pullout. Japan's breakaway will compel the 
United States to bear the burden. This is the way the alliance 
actually is. Meanwhile, US warships are suspected of having used 
MSDF-supplied fuel for the Iraq war. This suspicion also irritates 
the US government. 
 
Any chance for Japan to resume its refueling activities at an early 
date, or otherwise switch to something new? Japan will now call off 
the MSDF's refueling mission. What is the next step for Japan to 
rejoin the war on terror? The ruling and opposition parties are both 
 
TOKYO 00005099  003 OF 015 
 
 
tasked with such a challenge. On Oct. 30, Prime Minister Yasuo 
Fukuda and DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa met in a hurry. That is also 
because they were urged to do so for Japan's international 
obligations. 
 
"About the idea of creating a general (permanent) law, there were 
proposals from DPJ people and many others in the process of 
deliberating on the Iraq Special Measures Law. This is an important 
challenge in store for the future. We will have to create an 
opportunity as soon as possible (to discuss the idea)." With this, 
Fukuda, in his parliamentary reply to a question asked by Akihisa 
Nagashima from the DPJ, emphasized his view before the House of 
Representatives Special Committee on Antiterror Measures during its 
meeting right after his meeting with Ozawa. Nagashima, in his 
interpellation, called the government's new antiterror legislation 
"too shortsighted." 
 
Fukuda was once in the post of chief cabinet secretary. In those 
days, Fukuda asserted that Japan-instead of creating a time-limited 
law each time-should have a permanent law that stipulates general 
requirements for Japan to send the Self-Defense Forces for overseas 
missions. His philosophy remains unchanged. This time around, Fukuda 
came out of himself. "This is where we should discuss something like 
that." So saying, Nagashima tuned in to Fukuda. Then, a big hand 
arose from the LDP bench. Originally, the LDP and the DPJ are close 
to each other in their respective mindsets for international 
contributions. Now that Japan will actually discontinue its 
refueling activities, the LDP and the DPJ are now finally in a mood 
to talk. 
 
In Diet discussions, Fukuda often said, 
"I'm always thinking about what Japan can do on the land in 
Afghanistan, as well." In this way, Fukuda strongly implied his 
willingness to embark on civilian assistance and other activities in 
addition to continuing the MSDF's refueling mission. Under the 
current situation of public security in Afghanistan, however, Japan 
will need to send SDF troops. In this case as well, the problem is 
the government's conventional way of interpreting the Constitution. 
Fukuda and Ozawa will meet tomorrow again. The United States and 
other countries are also paying close attention to their meeting. 
 
(3) MSDF pullout from Indian Ocean (Part 1): SDF adrift over 
international contributions; With series of scandals involving 
Defense ministry, organizational reform being called for 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
November 2, 2007 
 
The Maritime Self-Defense Force's (MSDF) vessels wound up their 
refueling operation in the Indian Ocean, which started in December 
2001 as part of the antiterrorism campaign in Afghanistan, and began 
heading home. The government is stepping up efforts to enact its new 
legislation to quickly resume the MSDF mission, but the opposition 
camp, which won a landslide victory in the recent House of 
Councillors election, remains opposed to the bill. Under this 
situation, the fate of the legislation remains uncertain. Also 
affected by a series of scandals, such as the alleged cover-up of 
MSDF-supplied fuel and cozy ties between a former vice defense 
minister and a defense contractor, the Defense Agency and the 
Self-Defense Force, which are responsible for national security 
policy, are drifting around 
 
 
TOKYO 00005099  004 OF 015 
 
 
Yesterday afternoon, the crewmembers of the supply ship Tokiwa and 
the destroyer Kirisame in the Indian Ocean got a video message by 
Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba saying: "I want you to have 
confidence and pride in having accomplished your mission." When the 
refueling mission was halted at zero hours of Oct. 2, Tokiwa's 6th 
escort division commander Toshitaka Ojima said in a speech: "I 
believe that this was an important mission in which we participated 
in the war against terrorism in a responsible way." 
 
Japan loses symbol of alliance with US 
 
MSDF Chief of Staff Eiji Yoshikawa boasted the results the SDF had 
achieved over the past about six years, saying: "The mission helped 
the MSDF build up its foundations." But the Antiterrorism Special 
Measures Law, which can be called "the symbol of the alliance" with 
the US and endorsed Japan's participation in the US-led war against 
terrorism, became invalid on Nov. 1. Japan has lost the basis for 
the international contribution that is as important as 
reconstruction assistance operations in Iraq. The defense minister 
said: "International contributions being made by the SDF at present 
are only United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKO) on the Golan 
Heights, transport service by Air Self Defense Force (ASDF) between 
Kuwait and Iraq, and PKO in Nepal (monitoring by Ground Self-Defense 
Force (GSDF) officials of the moves of weapons)." 
 
Suspicions deepen 
 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Nobutaka Machimura emphasized: "To shorten 
the period of suspension of the MSDF refueling service as much as 
possible, the government will make utmost efforts to have its new 
antiterrorism bill passed in the Diet." Even so, such allegations as 
cover-up of misreporting of the amount of MSDF-supplied fuel and 
diversion of fuel for use in the Iraq war have come up. The 
opposition camp, including the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), now 
sees that suspicions have deepened. Under the present situation, 
prospects are dim for a resumption of the refueling operation. 
 
Collusive relations between former Vice Defense Minister Takemasa 
Moriya and an interested party have also been exposed. A Liberal 
Democratic Party member quipped, "The Defense Ministry should be 
demoted to agency status." The nature of the ministry itself is 
being questioned. 
 
The issue of a data error left uncorrected and unreported took place 
when Ishiba was defense minister. Defense Minister Ishiba had to say 
in a meeting of the committee tasked with working out bold measures 
to maintain the principle of civilian control last night: 
 
"We will shed light on the truth without concealing anything. Taking 
the series of scandals as stemming from structural problems, we will 
also reform the ministry itself." 
 
(4) Steep road ahead for resumption of refueling operation 
 
NIKKEI (Page 3) (Abridged) 
November 2, 2007 
 
Japan is now under pressure to come up with a new plan for 
contributing to the "war on terror," since it has just ended the 
Maritime Self-Defense Force's (MSDF) refueling operations in the 
Indian Ocean. The government and ruling parties aim to enact a new 
bill to allow resumption of the refueling service, but it is 
 
TOKYO 00005099  005 OF 015 
 
 
difficult to resume the mission without the cooperation of the 
opposition parties, which control the upper chamber of the Diet at 
present. Will the second round of a one-on-one meeting between Prime 
Minister Yasuo Fukuda (president of the ruling Liberal Democratic 
Party (LDP)) and the major opposition Democratic Party of Japan's 
(DPJ) President Ichiro Ozawa lead to a breakthrough in the 
situation? Horse-trading between the two could be premised on the 
dissolution of the Lower House for a snap general election and the 
formation of a "grand alliance" of major parties. 
 
Scenario 1: If party-head talks break down, it will be difficult to 
enact new legislation during current Diet session 
 
There is only a slim possibility that Ozawa, who has insisted that 
the MSDF's operations in the Indian Ocean are in violation of the 
Constitution, will turn around in the planned one-on-one meeting to 
favor the new refueling bill. If Ozawa does not budge from opposing 
the new bill, it will be difficult to enact it during the current 
session of the Diet. But if the new bill is put aside for a lengthy 
period, Japan will be give the impression to other countries that it 
lacks the will to continue to fight in the war on terror. 
 
The current Diet session will end on Nov. 10. Given the need to 
discuss the new refueling bill, not to mention other legislation, it 
is highly likely that the government will decide to extend the Diet 
session for a month or so. The LDP's General Council Chairman 
Toshihiro Nikai insists that "the ruling bloc should be more active 
about the new refueling bill." He envisions applying the provision 
that if a bill passed by the Lower House is rejected by the Upper 
House it still can become law if passed a second time by the Lower 
House by a majority of two-thirds or more of the members present." 
On the other hand, many in the LDP are cautious about applying that 
provision, because if the opposition bloc, which is opposed to the 
new refueling bill, introduces a censure resolution against the 
prime minister, the move could trigger a dissolution of the Lower 
House. 
 
If the new refueling bill fails to be enacted during the current 
Diet session, the bill will be reintroduced in next year's ordinary 
Diet session. But in such a case, debate on the bill is not likely 
to begin before April, because the highest priority in the ordinary 
Diet session will be passage of the fiscal 2008 budget bill. If Diet 
deliberations on the refueling bill go smoothly in or after April, 
Japan will be able to resume the refueling mission around June. 
 
However, if the DPJ is adamant in opposing the new refueling bill, 
there would be no other choice but to apply the abovementioned 
provision on a second decision by the Lower House. The opposition 
bloc may delay deliberations on the bill, but failure by the Upper 
House to take action on the bill within 60 days after its receipt 
may be determined by the Lower House to constitute a rejection of 
the bill there, and the Lower House can then take a second vote on 
the bill. In such a case, the refueling mission is likely to be 
resumed in or after August. 
 
Scenario 2: LDP, DPJ compromise, look for common ground by enacting 
permanent legislation 
 
If Fukuda and Ozawa were to be able to reach a compromise, it would 
involve the ruling and opposition blocs shelving the refueling bill 
during the current Diet session and holding some kind of 
consultations in next year's ordinary Diet session. 
 
TOKYO 00005099  006 OF 015 
 
 
 
Such consultations could be on making revisions to the refueling 
bill or the DPJ's counterproposal. In such a case, the focus of 
debate will be on whether Japan would take part in the International 
Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan, about which Ozawa 
is positive. 
 
The question of whether to establish a permanent law allowing Japan 
to dispatch the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) abroad as needed is now 
drawing public attention. At a press briefing yesterday, Ozawa made 
mention of a permanent law and suggested that he was ready to 
discuss it if the prime minister brings it up during today's 
one-on-one meeting. 
 
Regarding a permanent law, Fukuda previously tried to bring the DPJ 
into debate on it, saying in the Diet: "It is an important subject 
when we look to our future. I think it is necessary to have an 
opportunity to discuss the propriety of such a law." Chief Cabinet 
Secretary Nobutaka Machimura, as well, indicated at a press briefing 
 
SIPDIS 
yesterday that (a permanent law) would be a future task to handle 
after the passage of the new refueling bill, but that the government 
wanted to have an arena for the ruling and opposition parties to 
discuss it. The realization of a permanent law could become one 
example of successful consultation between the ruling and opposition 
parties at a time when the ruling bloc holds a majority of seats in 
the Lower House but it lacks a majority in the Upper House. In such 
a case, some may call for creating a gigantic coalition government 
as often speculated. 
 
Damage to Japanese diplomacy 
 
The suspension of the MSDF's refueling mission could do a great deal 
of damage to Japans foreign policy. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs 
(MOFA) is worried about a possible decline of Japan's influence in 
the international community and the possible ill effect on the 
Japan-US alliance. 
 
The prime minister's statement released yesterday and the 
government's decision to boost economic assistance to Afghanistan 
are both aimed at highlighting Japan's will to continue to fight 
against terrorism. But a sense of crisis about a decline in Japan's 
human contribution is growing in the government. Foreign Minister 
Masahiko Koumura stressed in his Diet reply yesterday; "We should 
remember that Japan received no appreciation in the Gulf war, 
despite (its huge monetary contribution)." 
 
Relations with the US, which stands at the front of the war on 
terror, cannot be ignored. In fact, a high-level US government 
official recently told a senior MOFA official: "One of the bonds 
between the two countries is about to be lost." Fukuda intends to 
ask President Bush to understand the domestic situation in Japan 
during their upcoming summit meeting on Nov. 16. 
 
(5) MSDF pullout: Japan's role hardly replaceable with another 
country 
 
YOMIURI (Page 9) (Full) 
November 2, 2007 
 
Keiichi Honma, reporting from the Maritime Self-Defense Force's 
supply ship Tokiwa in the Indian Ocean's northern waters 
 
 
TOKYO 00005099  007 OF 015 
 
 
MSDF supply ships, which have been sent to the Indian Ocean for 
nearly six years, are extremely important vessels that are 
indispensable for the MSDF's seaborne task of backing up maritime 
interdiction operations (MIO) for Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) 
in Afghanistan. The multinational coalition forces are now 
considering replacements. Among the major countries participating in 
the coalition forces, however, there are few countries with supply 
ships that can take over the MSDF's refueling mission. There is no 
underestimating the strategic loss resulting from the MSDF's 
pullout. 
 
A supply ship replenishes friendly vessels at sea with materials 
that are needed for them to carry out their missions. The naval 
forces of major countries cannot operate without supplies, so a 
supply ship is an integral part of their naval operations. For 
example, a US carrier battle group boasts of its overwhelming 
military power. What buttresses it up is the presence of a gigantic 
supply vessel. This supply vessel makes it possible for the USS 
Kitty Hawk, a US Navy aircraft carrier that was once sent on a 
mission for the Iraq war, to operate at sea for about 20 days. The 
MSDF has been participating in maritime interdiction operations 
(MIO). OEF-MIO coalition vessels made about 140,000 radio inquiries 
about suspicious ships and more than 10,000 ship inspections as of 
the end of August this year. Behind the scenes, the Tokiwa and other 
supply ships were on stage around the clock. 
 
There are now four supply ships operating to back up MIO. They are 
from Japan, the United States, and Britain. As it stands, an MSDF 
ranking officer onboard the Tokiwa was concerned about repercussions 
on MIO, presuming that other countries will be burdened with the 
MSDF's refueling role after its withdrawal. In fact, one officer 
from Pakistan's navy, which received the last refueling from the 
Tokiwa on Oct. 29., asked Japan to continue its activities. At the 
same time, though, this officer reportedly asked MIO headquarters in 
Bahrain to have another country supply fuel. 
 
However, none of the major countries engaging in MIO has enough 
supply vessels. According to an MSDF source, only seven major 
countries-including Japan, the United States, and Britain-have a 
minimum necessary lineup of four or more supply ships for their 
national defense. The source says none of these countries can afford 
to actually send supply ships as a matter of fact. Defense Minister 
Ishiba, in his video message yesterday, stressed: "Underway 
replenishment requires high skills and capabilities. In the world, 
only several countries can steadily carry it out over a long period 
of time." 
 
In the Indian Ocean, MIO covers a vast expanse of waters, at least 4 
million square kilometers, centering on northern waters. The 
Tokiwa's breakaway means so much. "The Tokiwa's operational 
capability is very high," says Alex Neill, a chief researcher at the 
Royal United Services Institute for Defense Studies (RUSI). "So," 
Neill went on, "the United States will now be compelled to increase 
its supply costs." MIO headquarters seems to have plans to employ a 
replacement after the Tokiwa's withdrawal. However, it does not seem 
to be easy. 
 
(6) Path to resuming refueling operation not in sight 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Abridged slightly) 
November 2, 2007 
 
 
TOKYO 00005099  008 OF 015 
 
 
The Maritime Self-Defense Force unit dispatched (to the Indian 
Ocean) began pulling out yesterday, winding up its refueling 
operation to support the US-led war on terrorism, due to the 
expiration of the Antiterrorism Special Measures Law. The government 
has come up with economic assistance in place of the refueling 
operation that has been suspended. Although the coalition of the 
willing taking part in the war on terrorism in and around 
Afghanistan, for fear of a withdrawal domino effect, is hopeful that 
the MSDF will resume its operation, there are no prospects for 
resumption. 
 
Government eager to come up with alternative plans 
 
Akihiro Yamada, Keiichi Kaneko 
 
Foreign Minister Masahiko Koumura expressed concern yesterday that 
the discontinuation of the MSDF operation might have adverse effects 
on the diplomatic front, saying: "The international community would 
take it as Japan becoming less committed to the war on terrorism. It 
would affect other countries' stances toward Japan." 
 
The government yesterday came up with a number of alternative plans 
to the refueling operation. The Council for Overseas Economic 
Cooperation announced enhanced economic assistance to Afghanistan. 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Nobutaka Machimura in a press conference 
yesterday revealed a plan to incorporate in a supplementary budget 
bull funds for vocationally training Afghan refugees. The government 
also produced a plan to considering a large increase in financial 
aid to Pakistan, which has relied on MSDF oil. 
 
Regarding those diplomatic efforts intended to make up for the MSDF 
withdrawal, a senior Foreign Ministry official said: "Economic 
assistance will not be able to substitute the MSDF. Japan would be 
criticized as trying to settle the matter with money." He also took 
this view about the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ or Minshuto) 
proposal for civilian assistance: "An improved security situation is 
a prerequisite. At this point when the ministry's evaluation 
recommendation is still alive, Afghanistan is not in a condition to 
accept civilians (from Japan)." 
 
Meanwhile, DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa, who has been opposed to the 
new legislation, took this view: "It is unconstitutional to dispatch 
SDF troops overseas to support some country's military operation. 
It's not good. I have nothing to say about the withdrawal." 
 
The government and ruling parties intend to resume the MSDF 
operation as early as possible by swiftly enacting the new 
legislation designed to allow providing fuel oil and water alone. 
But there are no prospects that the legislation will clear the 
Diet. 
 
Severe views by Japan experts in US 
 
Yoichi Kato, Washington, and Kitagawa Manabu, Islamabad 
 
Regarding the discontinuation of the MSDF operation, US State 
Department deputy spokesman Tom Casey said yesterday: "It is 
regrettable. We hope to see Japan enact the new legislation swiftly 
and resume the (SDF) operation as early as possible." His comment 
clearly reflected Washington's effort to avoid criticism in 
consideration of future Diet deliberations in Japan, though it is 
feeling dissatisfied. 
 
TOKYO 00005099  009 OF 015 
 
 
 
Some Japan exerts in the United States regard the expiration of the 
Antiterrorism Law as somewhat inevitable, with Center for Naval 
Analyses Strategic Studies Director Michael McDevitt saying: "This 
sort of policy change could occur in a democracy." At the same time, 
Japan exerts take severe views about future developments. 
 
Former Pentagon Japan desk director James Auer said: "If the new 
legislation is enacted right away, there won't be any problem. But 
if the government gives it up, Japan's credibility would be called 
into question severely as an ally." Former White House National 
Security Council Senior Asian Director Michael Green indicated that 
in the event the new legislation was voted down in the House of 
Councillors and the ruling camp consequently did not take a second 
vote in the House of Representatives, many people in the world would 
conclude that Japan has no intention of playing a leading role in 
international security. 
 
Royal United Services Institute for Defense Studies Director Michael 
Clarke, now visiting Japan, indicated in an interview with the Asahi 
Shimbun yesterday that the impact would be greater politically than 
militarily, saying, "If Japan withdraws, that would be taken as 
raising a question about the legitimacy of the Afghan operation; 
such will not be welcomed." 
 
A Pakistani Foreign Ministry spokesman told the Asahi Shimbun 
yesterday: "Japan is an important antiterrorism partner. The 
discontinuation of the refueling operation will have a serious 
impact on us. We ask Japan to resume the operation." 
 
Explanation of need for the operation insufficient 
 
Commentary 
 
The MSDF's withdrawal from the Indian Ocean is attributable to 
opposition to its operation by the DPJ, which has become the largest 
party in the Upper House. But more fundamentally, it is because the 
government has failed to offer a sufficient explanation of the need 
for the refueling operation amid the deadlocked war on terrorism led 
by the US military. 
 
Once Japan's provision of oil dropped to one-tenth of that of the 
peak time, the government, concluding that citing the war on terror 
alone was not enough to try to convince the public, even brought up 
the defense of sea lanes, with Foreign Minister Koumura saying, "The 
operation is important for the transport routes of Japan, who 
imports 90 percent of oil from the Middle East." The government's 
failure to completely wipe out suspicions that Japanese fuel was 
used in the Iraq operation by deviating from the objectives of the 
Special Measures Law also caused the public to harbor doubts about 
the "aim" of the refueling operation. 
 
Preoccupied with the ruling camp's call for an extension of the 
refueling operation, the Ozawa-led JDP's adamant opposition for a 
lack of clear UN resolution, the United States, and the United 
Nations, the government has not conducted full-fledged debates on 
how Japan should strategically deal with that region. With no 
prospect in sight for the enactment of the new "stopgap" 
legislation, the government is set to increase economic assistance 
to relevant countries to make up for the SDF withdrawal. 
 
Although "independent commitment" to the eradication of terrorism is 
 
TOKYO 00005099  010 OF 015 
 
 
underlined in the new legislation, the government is not armed with 
any clear rule on the overseas dispatch of the SDF or an exit 
strategy. On the occasion of the law's expiration, the ruling and 
opposition parties must discuss matters, including how special 
measures laws should be, all over again. 
 
(7) End of MSDF refueling mission: Enormous national interests to be 
lost, including military intelligence, relationship of alliance; 
crude oil, etc. 
 
YOMIURI (Page 13) (Full) 
November 2, 2007 
 
By Hidemichi Katsumata, Yomiuri Shimbun Senior Writer 
 
The Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) has been continuing refueling 
operations in the Indian Ocean as part of Japan's efforts to support 
the war on terror. However, an order to end the mission was handed 
down to the MSDF. The damage to Japan's national interests will be 
huge with the ending of the MSDF operations. 
 
A senior Air Self-Defense Force (ASDF) officer, who is engaged in 
Kuwait-based airlift operations in Iraq, said, "I can only hope that 
halting that mission will not affect our operations." 
 
He made this comment because recently, just prior to an ASDF 
airlifting of senior United Nations officials, the American military 
stopped transmitting operational intelligence on Baghdad and nearby 
areas. The intelligence was transmitted only to British and 
Australian forces. An ASDF officer said, "We cannot engage in 
airlift operations unless we know where the battles are going on." 
 
The ASDF lodged a protest with the US Department of Defense. The 
intelligence was disclosed three days later, and ASDF aircraft 
resumed operations. However, as far as this ASDF officer is 
concerned, "The SDF will now no longer be able to participate in 
meetings of the troops of the various countries engaged in the war 
on terror. The amount of Middle East-related intelligence we receive 
will be considerably decreased." 
 
The SDF under the Anti-Terrorism Special Measures Law and the Iraq 
Assistance Special Measures Law has dispatched about 20 liaison 
officers to four locations, such as the US Central Command in Tampa, 
Florida, and the Multinational Naval Forces Central Command in 
Bahrain. The purpose of the dispatches is to share various kinds of 
intelligence with the US and members of the Coalition of the 
Willing. However, Brigadier General Swift at the US Naval Forces 
Central Command categorically said, "If the MSDF pulls out, the real 
problem would be that Japan will lose the opportunity for dialogue 
in the Middle East, which it is now enjoying." 
 
It is a common military practice not to transmit intelligence to 
countries that are not expending sweat together. But the damage to 
national interests does not end with just being excluded from the 
"intelligence community." 
 
Japan's greatest threat now is North Korea's nuclear weapons and 
ballistic missiles. A Nodong missile landed in the Sea of Japan in 
¶1993. In 1998, a Taepodong missile passed over Japan. That country 
carried out a nuclear test last year. If it succeeds in making a 
miniaturized nuclear weapon that can be fitted on a missile warhead, 
that nation's nuclear threat would become a reality. It can only be 
 
TOKYO 00005099  011 OF 015 
 
 
prevented from doing so by the military power of the US and a solid 
Japan-US alliance. 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) Chairman Ichiro Ozawa 
claims that it is not possible for Japan to cooperate in the war in 
Afghanistan because it was started by the US independently. The UN 
has acknowledged that the US fight against terror is a self-defense 
war, and yet if Japan cannot help its ally fight a self-defense war, 
what is the meaning of the alliance? The MSDF has been carrying out 
refueling operations to support the US and cooperate for the 
international community within the limits of the Constitution, 
though such activities are not obligatory. 
 
Since Japan has continued to provide such support to the US, it can 
seek solid cooperation from the US in making North Korea totally 
abandon its nuclear programs through the six-party talks, which 
started in the summer of 2003. Japan can file a harsh complaint or 
make requests to the US, if it takes an ambiguous stance in the 
process of forcing North Korea to abandon its nuclear program. 
 
Even though the ASDF is continuing transport operations in Iraq, 
with the disappearance of the Hinomaru flag or Japan's presence in 
the Indian Ocean, doubts will arise the value of the alliance and 
Japan's national security will suffer a setback. 
 
There is another blow coming to Japan's national interest. For 
Japan, which relies on the Middle East for 90 PERCENT  of the crude 
oil it imports, it is vitally important to prevent the Indian Ocean 
from becoming a sea of terrorists. This has not been discussed much, 
because it has been considered that doing so is irrelevant in view 
of the spirit of the special measures law. But it is whole different 
story when the fact is taken into account that Japan's super-tanker 
Takasuzu (280,000 tons) was attacked by terrorists in the Persian 
Gulf and suffered damage. 
 
Three persons, including US Marines, were killed in that suicide 
bombing. Multinational naval forces have been on strict alert near 
oil embarkation ports in the Persian Gulf since this incident. 
Though the MSDF is unable to engage in such operations due to 
constitutional restrictions, many countries have acknowledged its 
refueling operations as activities to support part of such 
international cooperation and appreciate them. 
 
About 25 PERCENT  of crude oil exported by Gulf countries is bound 
for Japan. The Financial Times of Britain criticized Japan for 
pulling out, calling it a "coward." This perhaps epitomizes how the 
international community sees Japan. 
 
How to continue the war against terror is a major theme for many 
countries. Only countries taking part in antiterrorist operations 
have the right to have their say. Japan's national interests gain 
nothing by ending the MSDF operations. 
 
(8) Editorial: Prime Minister Fukuda should show resolve to pass new 
refueling bill 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
November 2, 2007 
 
Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda posted an article titled "Finally 
November 1" on the latest issue of the Cabinet's E-mail Magazine. 
 
 
TOKYO 00005099  012 OF 015 
 
 
With the expiration of the Antiterrorism Special Measures Law that 
allowed the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling operations in 
the Indian Ocean, two MSDF ships currently deployed -- the supply 
vessel Tokiwa and destroyer Kirisame -- began heading back to Japan 
after receiving their orders (from the defense minister). 
 
Some members of the ruling coalition are even calling for putting 
off the enactment of the new antiterrorism bill. It is highly 
doubtful that the government and ruling parties put in their utmost 
efforts prior to Nov. 1 to avoid a vacuum being created in the war 
on terror. The law expired immediately before the second meeting of 
the prime minister and Ichiro Ozawa, president of the largest 
opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto). How will the 
two party leaders take Japan's failure to respond to the 
expectations of the international community by allowing the MSDF to 
withdraw from the maritime interdiction operation (MIO), which has 
dealt a blow to Japan's national interests? Fukuda and Ozawa should 
frankly talk about not only the new antiterrorism bill but other 
issues, as well. 
 
It is extremely regrettable that Japan suspended its refueling 
mission that was carried out for nearly six years. We highly praise 
the MSDF operations that were appreciated by other countries 
involved. We also should recall the SDF's other overseas activities 
in Iraq and other areas. 
 
The Bush administration has said that it is possible to cover the 
MSDF refueling operation through alternative measures. But the time 
for surveillance activities will be inevitably decrease because 
vessels have to return to port to be refueled. 
 
The US government released a comment that said the Japan-US alliance 
would not be effected, but the Japanese government should consider 
that the present situation requiring Washington to release the 
comment might hamper the upholding and strengthening of the 
bilateral relationship. 
 
The DPJ has opposed to the refueling operation claiming that it is 
aimed at supporting the US' war. Guessing at the meaning from the 
context, the party does not seem to care about whether the United 
States and the international community are disappointed at the MSDF 
pullout. 
 
Prime Minister Fukuda said in a statement that the war on terror is 
still underway, and that he would do his best to enact a new 
antiterrorism law as quickly as possible so that refueling can be 
resumed. 
 
In order to carry out its intention, the Fukuda cabinet has no other 
choice but to pass the new legislation by extending the current Diet 
session. Unless the DPJ changes its response to the legislation, the 
bill should be put to a second vote after it is voted down in the 
Upper House. The day has come for the prime minister to make a 
decision on the new bill, without worrying about political arguments 
in the ruling and opposition camps. 
 
(9) Futenma alternative: Gov. Nakaima proposed offshore relocation 
up to 215 meters 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 1 & 2) (Abridged) 
November 2, 2007 
 
 
TOKYO 00005099  013 OF 015 
 
 
On the issue of relocating the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station 
(in the city of Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, to a coastal area of 
Camp Schwab, a US military base in the prefecture's northern coastal 
city of Nago), Okinawa Prefecture's Governor Hirokazu Nakaima has 
been calling for the government to move the site of a newly planned 
facility to an offshore area as an alternative for Futenma airfield. 
The government is now going through procedures with Okinawa 
Prefecture to assess the possible impact of Futenma relocation on 
its site and environs. In this process, Nakaima met with Chief 
Cabinet Secretary Nobutaka Machimura on Oct. 31. On that occasion, 
Nakaima asked the government to retouch its Futenma relocation plan. 
Specifically, Nakaima proposed moving the relocation site to an 
offshore area within the scope of a "slight change," sources 
revealed. If the change is slight (up to 215 meters), the government 
may revise the plan with no need for another environmental 
assessment, according to the sources. On the other hand, Nakaima has 
also told Machimura that a change to the extent of 50 meters or so 
does not satisfy Okinawa's demand. This is the first time that 
Okinawa Prefecture has disclosed a specific figure in its demand for 
Futenma relocation to an offshore site. 
 
Machimura came up with the Defense Ministry's view, saying the 
government plan cannot be revised, according to the sources. Okinawa 
Prefecture and the Defense Ministry have broken off in their talks 
over the issue of Futenma relocation. However, the government is 
expected to resume its consultative meeting with Okinawa on Nov. 7 
after a hiatus of 10 months. Tokyo and Okinawa are now beginning to 
move behind the scenes for new developments. 
 
Nakaima, according to his aide, has also told the government that he 
wants the alternative facility located within an offshore area that 
is somewhat away from Hirashima, an island floating off Henoko 
Point. 
 
In the case of the Futenma alternative facility, its airstrips 
portion is subject to Okinawa Prefecture's environmental assessment 
ordinance. Regarding the scope of a "slight change" that is 
allowable with no need to carry out another environmental 
assessment, Okinawa Prefecture's environmental assessment ordinance 
provides that the area of an airfield is less than 10 hectares. 
 
The planned alternative facility has an overall length of 1,800 
meters. Judging from this length, Okinawa Prefecture calculates that 
the range of the alternative facility's move is less than 56 meters. 
In the process of going through the procedures, Nakaima is expected 
to come up with three statements about the government's relocation 
plan. Okinawa Prefecture deems it possible to move up to 55 meters 
each time. 
 
A senior official of Okinawa Prefecture explained Nakaima's demand 
and its background, saying: "Three 55 meters are 165 meters. In 
addition to that, it's possible to move about 50 meters at the 
governor's discretion through some adjustments, so the figures add 
up to 215 meters. If the government is willing, it's possible to 
move 200 meters or so without starting all over again. There are 
scientific and rational reasons, so the governor will state his 
views. If the government bases its plan on the governor's views, 
it's possible to reach a settlement." 
 
Commentary: Nakaima backs down 
 
Tokyo and Okinawa have been at a deadlock in their talks over the 
 
TOKYO 00005099  014 OF 015 
 
 
pending issue of relocating Futenma airfield. Okinawa Prefecture's 
Governor Hirokazu Nakaima has been calling for the government to 
move the site of a planned alternative facility to an offshore area 
for Futenma airfield. In this connection, Nakaima showed an upper 
limit of the relocation site's move within a range of up to 215 
meters. It can be taken as a revision in the process of going 
through the procedures for an environmental assessment. This, 
however, is the governor's de facto retraction of his call for the 
site's pre-assessment move. In the eyes of local residents, the 
governor undeniably backed down. Nakaima has been calling for the 
government to move the Futenma alternative facility to an offshore 
site. In the past, Nakaima was asked about the range of the 
alternative facility's move. However, he has not specified anything 
about it. If he comes out with a figure, he will be asked to account 
for that figure. This was a matter of concern to him. 
 
(10) Fukuda, Ozawa desperate to put cap on rumor on LDP-DPJ "grand 
alliance" 
 
SANKEI (Page 5) (Full) 
November 1, 2007 
 
The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the main opposition 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) agreed on Nov. 31 to 
hold a second meeting between their leaders -- Yasuo Fukuda and 
Ichiro Ozawa. The second meeting between the prime minister and the 
DPJ president will start at 3:00 p.m. on Nov. 2 in the Diet 
building. A grand coalition concept of the LDP and the DPJ, which 
has become a real possibility after the first Fukuda-Ozawa talks on 
Oct. 30, will likely create quite a stir in the ruling and 
opposition camps. All the more because their meeting was held behind 
closed doors, the grand alliance concept, a speculation creates 
another speculation. Turbulence seems to be continued in the ruling 
and opposition blocs. 
 
"What is a grand alliance? We can do anything in our minds. But I 
wonder if it is realistically possible," Fukuda told the press at 
noon yesterday, as if he didn't know. When asked by the press about 
his meeting with Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima, he cynically 
responded: "The meeting was held for the first time. Is this a grand 
alliance?" 
 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Nobutaka Machimura south to check the grand 
alliance concept that has wings, saying, "There are persons talking 
about a grand alliance, but it is not that easy (to form such) under 
the single-seat election system." 
 
The reason for Fukuda and others being nervous about the grand 
alliance concept is that response from the ruling and opposition was 
bigger than expected. Lawmakers of the ruling and opposition parties 
are now often talking about the grand alliance concept and early 
Lower House dissolution as issues. 
 
The New Komeito, the LDP's coalition partner, is especially alarmed. 
Secretary General Kazuo Kitagawa expressed displeasure in a press 
 
SIPDIS 
conference, noting, "I wonder if parties that fight in elections can 
form an alliance and think that the public can understand it." He 
then played up his party's political presence, saying, "I think 
there should be an opportunity for the New Komeito to make efforts 
for consensus-building between the LDP and the DPJ." 
 
DPJ lawmakers have become nervous. In a meeting yesterday afternoon 
 
TOKYO 00005099  015 OF 015 
 
 
of the "Next Cabinet" held in the Diet building, one member 
questioned: "Did you talk about a grand alliance concept with the 
prime minister?" Ozawa replied: "We did not at all talk about it. 
Mr. Fukuda repeatedly said, 'I rely on you.' He seems to be in a 
fix." 
 
In a meeting of the DPJ secretary general and deputy secretaries 
general, one deputy secretary general said, "I want to know what the 
two party leaders talked about in their meeting yesterday." 
Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama then responded with annoyance: "I 
 
SIPDIS 
don't know either." 
 
At the Japan National Press Club yesterday, Japanese Communist Party 
chairman Kazuo Shii criticized the Fukuda-Ozawa talks, saying, "The 
LDP and DPJ violated the Diet rules and held the closed-door 
meeting." In a meeting of the opposition parties' Diet Affairs 
Committee chairmen, Yasumasa Shigeno of the Social Democratic Party 
said, "I have to question why the largest opposition party suddenly 
held the meeting." 
 
Shizuka Kamei, deputy head of the People's New Party, which has 
formed a parliamentary group with the DPJ in the Upper House, 
expressed displeasure, noting, "It is outrageous that they held the 
closed-door meeting, skipping the planned one-on-one meeting at the 
Diet. The DPJ did not notify my party even though we have formed a 
parliamentary group. I think such a political method is not good." 
 
SCHIEFFER