VZCZCXRO2565
PP RUEHCHI RUEHDT RUEHNH
DE RUEHHM #1136/01 3130837
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 090837Z NOV 07
FM AMCONSUL HO CHI MINH CITY
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 3322
INFO RUEHHI/AMEMBASSY HANOI PRIORITY 2287
RUCNASE/ASEAN MEMBER COLLECTIVE
RUEHHM/AMCONSUL HO CHI MINH CITY 3537

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 HO CHI MINH CITY 001136 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
FOR EAP/MLS AND DRL/AWH 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PHUM SOCI PREL PGOV VM
SUBJECT: SHIFTING PRESS PARADIGM IN SOUTHERN VIETNAM 
 
REF: REF A: HCMC 965  REF B: HCMC 320 
 
HO CHI MIN 00001136  001.2 OF 003 
 
 
¶1. (SBU) Summary: While Vietnam remains far from achieving true 
freedom of the press, the paradigm is starting to shift across 
southern Vietnam.  Already, the old "total control model" in 
which the Government of Vietnam (GVN) essentially dictated what 
papers should publish has given way to a "censorship model" in 
which the GVN generally limits itself to telling the press what 
not to publish.  Newspapers routinely push the envelope by 
publishing right up to (if not over) the limits laid down by 
censors.  Despite continued tensions between the GVN and the 
media and even occasional acts of retribution against media 
outlets and individuals who publish too freely, the long-term 
trend remains positive.  Motivated by a combination of 
journalistic zeal and a desire to boost revenues by attracting 
readers, more and more media outlets are showing a willingness 
to tackle controversial topics and test the limits of 
censorship.  Despite continuing to censor, the GVN itself -- or 
at least a number of its most senior officials -- is actually 
facilitating increased press freedom by being more willing to 
discuss controversial topics such as corruption, poor public 
services and health publicly.  In addition, some officials have 
publicly lauded the very same press outlets that have been 
criticized by other parts of the GVN.  The resulting mixed 
message makes it clear that censors are no longer omnipotent and 
media outlets are increasingly learning how to bend the rules 
without consequences.  End Summary. 
 
THE COMMUNIST DAILY'S NEW LEASE ON LIFE 
--------------------------------------- 
¶2. (SBU) Little more than a year ago, reading Saigon Giai Phong 
(Saigon Liberation -- the official paper of the Communist Party 
of Ho Chi Minh City)(SGP) was like reading a 1970's vintage 
issue of Pravda, albeit in Vietnamese rather than Russian.  The 
same bombast and toadyism permeated pages filled with articles 
about the great advances made by heroic leaders to achieve lofty 
goals for the betterment of the people -- all with no details. 
While articles of that nature still appear in SGP, most of the 
paper is filled with straightforward news about current 
economic, social, health and other mainstream issues found in 
most American papers.  Even the front page looks remarkably like 
any American newspaper, with prominent stories on corruption 
scandals and tirades against government inefficiency mixed in 
with business and human interest stories along with updates on 
the most recent disaster (weather, roads, etc.).  Even more 
interestingly, SGP was in the forefront of a media blitz that 
helped prevent censors from canceling the publication of the 
Vietnamese version of the book "A Perfect Spy" (ref A). 
 
¶3. (SBU) The story behind the publication of "A Perfect Spy" 
provides a good example of one method the press uses to confound 
the censors.  After learning that censors were leaning toward 
banning publication, media outlets preemptively ran multiple 
articles on the book, including publishing excerpts.  This did 
not violate any explicit ruling, since the work had not yet been 
banned.  Related articles--based on interviews with the author 
and previous Vietnamese books written about the same 
spy--avoided scrutiny from the censors while clearly building a 
public expectation that the book would soon be available in 
bookstores.  In the end, the censors backed down and the book 
was not banned (and instead became an instant best seller).  One 
key to the success of this "guerilla media campaign" in which 
numerous media outlets participated was the editors' knowledge 
that while the book clearly broke new ground by contradicting 
"official" histories of the war years, the book also appealed to 
a number of senior leaders who understand the need to broaden 
the freedom to print straightforward, accurate histories. 
Senior party leadership, including President Triet and former PM 
Vo Van Kiet, received advanced copies courtesy of the 
pro-publication advocates and then commented that they liked the 
book and found nothing objectionable in it. 
 
IT'S NOT ALL EASY GOING -- JUST ASK THE PIONEER 
--------------------------------------------- -- 
¶4. (SBU) Censorship of the press continues.  No paper dares to 
publish articles on human rights in Vietnam, the advantages of 
direct elections and the democratic process or any of a wide 
range of other topics.  They do not dare directly criticize the 
nation's top leaders.  Even in areas that are generally open to 
criticism such as economic issues, planning, infrastructure, 
corruption, education, business and health care, there are clear 
limits to what can be said about GVN's top leadership.  In a 
highly unfortunate incident, the GVN decided not to renew the 
contracts of two top editors at Vietnam's largest circulation 
(and very pro-reform) daily paper Tuoi Tre (Young Age).  At 
present, the two editors remain in place at Tuoi Tre until their 
contracts run out at the end of this year.  They have not yet 
received word on their future assignments, but will likely 
reappear in different media positions.  Sources say the editors 
were targeted because the paper defied censors by publishing 
 
HO CHI MIN 00001136  002.2 OF 003 
 
 
detailed stories reporting on alleged corruption by Vietnam's 
state bank governor in the issuance of new polymer banknotes. 
While contacts also report that Tuoi Tre was criticized for 
being too aggressive with its articles advocating more 
democratic reforms in the run-up to the 2006 Party Congress (ref 
B), former PM Kiet and others have told us that Tuoi Tre's 
decision to directly defy censors three times by publishing 
additional articles on the banknote scandal contributed to the 
GVN's decision not to renew terms for the two editors. 
 
¶5. (SBU) Tuoi Tre reporters attempted unsuccessfully to 
reinstate the former editors via petition, and others outside 
the paper have also voiced their objections to the editorial 
changeup.  Former Prime Minister Kiet, one of the key architects 
of Vietnam's doi moi (renovation) policy and an outspoken 
reformer, called the decision "too harsh" and said the Union's 
"administrative shirt has become too tight" for a newspaper as 
big as Tuoi Tre.  One senior HCMC news editor's prediction that 
events at Tuoi Tre "will not succeed in changing the newspaper's 
attitude," has proven entirely correct -- the paper is as feisty 
as ever and continues to push the envelope of free speech almost 
daily.  The same editor added that although many newspapers are 
directed to submit "self-criticism" reports to authorities after 
being cited for violations, he and his fellow reporters "have no 
regrets" and continue to push forward. 
 
THE ROLE OF THE PARLIAMENT AND VARIOUS GVN AGENCIES 
--------------------------------------------- ------ 
¶6. (SBU) A number of Vietnamese institutions, including senior 
officials, the Parliament as well as numerous regulatory bodies, 
are playing a strong -- even if unintentional -- role in 
promoting more active, honest reporting.  They play this role 
because they are willing to provide accurate information or even 
to criticize the GVN on the record.  A hard-hitting Tuoi Tre 
article berating GVN anti-corruption campaigns as being long on 
rhetoric but short on teeth was bolstered by numerous quotes 
from Parliamentary debate in which representatives criticized 
the apparent disconnect between the strength of senior 
officials' anti-corruption rhetoric and the weakness of the 
actions normally taken when wrongdoing occurs.  Even the MPS (an 
organization not generally noted for pro-reform tendencies) was 
cited repeatedly in the Tuoi Tre article because they provided 
statistics showing that even as the dollar value convicted 
corruption cases has increased, the fines levied have declined. 
 
¶7. (SBU) Another HCMC daily paper, Thanh Nien, has proven 
particularly adept eliciting juicy comments from senior former 
officials who, despite having left their GVN postings, remain 
well connected enough that censors would definitely think twice 
before trying to silence them.  A former vice minister of the 
economy, for example, was quoted as saying that the main 
impediment to improving Vietnam's antiquated and 
counterproductive land use laws is that under the current system 
corrupt officials can collude with private businesses to gain 
control of huge tracts of valuable land.  Backed up with 
detailed statistics and good research, that quote made for 
high-impact reporting that pushes the envelope on corruption 
reporting by implicating the whole system rather than just of 
individuals. 
 
¶8. (SBU) As these examples show, increased exposure to outside 
media (including programs funded though our Public Affairs 
Section Section) are helping  by developing the professionalism 
of reporters in Southern Vietnam.  Rather than publishing 
unverifiable accusations of corruption or mismanagement, the 
print media, in particular, develop highly detailed and sourced 
feature length articles filled with statistics, facts and quotes 
from official sources and well-known, well-placed individuals. 
It is very difficult for censors to criticize the resulting 
article without also criticizing the array of GVN officials and 
agencies who supplied the information presented. 
 
THE PROFIT MOTIVE AND PUBLIC APPETITE FOR NEWS 
--------------------------------------------- - 
¶9. (SBU) While we have no doubt that a dedication to their 
profession plays a big role in motivating editors to push 
forward with reforms in spite of the risks and harassment that 
can result, that is not the only reason.  Part of what is 
feeding the now widespread movement toward more straightforward 
reporting is the nexus of the profit motive and the public's 
appetite for genuine news.  Even though every media outlet is 
tied to some GVN or CP organ, nearly all are also financially 
self-supporting.  After ten years of almost constantly pushing 
the envelope in terms of what can be published in Vietnam, the 
newspaper Tuoi Tre rose from being a youth organization's 
newsletter to become the nation's largest circulation and most 
profitable daily and the cornerstone of a growing media empire. 
Tuoi Tre is not only Vietnam's largest circulation daily, its 
circulation is larger than the next five dailies combined.  It 
 
HO CHI MIN 00001136  003.2 OF 003 
 
 
is no surprise that other HCMC-based dailies such as Thanh Nien 
and Saigon Giai Phong have been motivated to follow -- and 
perhaps try to surpass -- Tuoi Tre's pioneering example.  Other 
print media outlets, such as Phap Luat (The Law) have expanded 
from a weekly to a daily format.  Even niche publications such 
as Phu Nu (Woman) are jumping into investigative reporting.  The 
competition is on to see who can print the news that Vietnamese 
readers want to purchase. 
 
WORKING TOGETHER FOR A FREER MEDIA 
---------------------------------- 
¶9. (SBU) Despite competition for readership, newspapers remain 
willing to support each other when one is threatened.  The 
publication of "A Perfect Spy" described earlier provides one 
example of this phenomenon since numerous papers and one TV 
station joined a campaign to prevent censors from killing the 
book's publication.  A recent press battle surrounding comments 
by the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Education Nguyen 
Thien Nhan provides an even more telling example.  Nhan, a 
southerner and U.S. Fulbright alumni often lauded for his 
pro-reform agenda suffered a serious case of "foot in mouth 
disease" when he told reporters asking about his education 
initiative that "having fewer students in school because of 
recent hikes in school fees was acceptable."  When Nhan's 
comments were printed in SGP, Nhan fired back by writing to the 
paper's editor that "the reporter needs to be brought to face 
punishments according to the law."  Nhan went on to accuse the 
reporter of using statistics from foreign sources, thus 
"insulting and demonizing the fatherland."  Within days, other 
news outlets began publishing the notes from their reporters and 
an entire recording of Nhan's ill-chosen words appeared on 
popular blogs, including one associated with the editor of Phap 
Luat newspaper.  Due to Nhan's attempt to have the reporter 
sanctioned, what started as a minor story in one paper became a 
major story in almost every media outlet across the south and 
the person whose reputation suffered was not the reporter's but 
the DPM's. 
 
ENTER THE WEB LOGS 
------------------ 
¶10. (SBU) The emergence of personal web logs, or blogs, is 
noteworthy as journalist bloggers start to touch on domestic 
politics, with the information made available publicly on the 
internet.  Despite GVN efforts to control the Internet, blogs 
are spreading and some reporters from traditional media are 
keeping blogs, as is at least one member of the national 
Parliament.  One advantage of blogs is that their very nature 
makes them free from prior censorship since information is 
posted directly from a blogger's PC to the web, unlike a 
newspaper article that runs through a series of editors and 
typesetters.  So, while bloggers still face the same risk of 
being charged with violating national security rules if they 
blatantly violate censorship guidelines, as long as they only 
push the envelope they can defend themselves by pleading 
ignorance -- "no one told me NOT to publish that." 
 
COMMENT 
------- 
¶11. (SBU) Make no mistake -- censorship lives and is the rule in 
Vietnam.  Despite this, however, we should not underestimate the 
importance of this paradigm shift from a "total control" model 
to a "censorship model." Similarly, while we know of many 
examples of reporters and media outlets that have been 
criticized by various GVN officials for pushing the envelope too 
far, the good news is that they continue to push it anyway.  The 
firing of two editors from Tuoi Tre has not changed the paper's 
content one bit; neither did a police decision to harass 
participants at a Consulate-sponsored training program for 
economics reporters at SGP.  Despite these acts of harassment, 
the papers press on and enjoy wide, high-level support.  We 
suspect that former Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet is not alone in 
his view that Vietnam needs to dismantle most administrative 
controls over the press in order to develop a "competitive media 
environment."  End comment. 
DICKEY