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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 TOKYO 004241 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/11/07 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Ambassador Schieffer lays flowers at monument for 9-11 victims 
 
(2) Abe's "stake my job" remark aimed to rivet US trust 
 
(3) Ozawa to lock horns with Abe in extra Diet session, aiming to 
force the prime minister to dissolve the Lower House for a snap 
election; Focus to be on DPJ's censure motion against prime 
minister 
 
(4) Prime Minister Abe stakes his job on new antiterrorism 
legislation; Cabinet resignation en masse a real possibility 
 
(5) Japan, US conduct joint drills for 353 days in FY2006 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Ambassador Schieffer lays flowers at monument for 9-11 victims 
 
ASAHI (On line) (Full) 
September 11, 2007 
 
Photo shows US Ambassador Schieffer laying a bouquet of flowers at 
the "9-11 monument" in front of the Mizuho Financial Group 
Headquarters 
 
This morning, on the sixth anniversary of the terrorist attacks on 
the United States, US Ambassador to Japan Schieffer visited the 
headquarters of the Mizuho Financial Group in Tokyo's Chiyoda Ward 
to attend a memorial ceremony for the victims. A branch of the 
former Fuji Bank, the predecessor to the Mizuyo Group, was located 
in the World Trade Center in New York. Among the victims in the 
terrorist attack on that building on Sept. 11, 2001, were 23 
Japanese and US employees of that bank. 
 
Ambassador Schieffer, after meeting with Mizuho President Terunobu 
Maeda, laid a bouquet of flowers at the memorial monument in front 
of the company headquarters on which the names of the victims are 
engraved. 
 
(2) Abe's "stake my job" remark aimed to rivet US trust 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
September 11, 2007 
 
"I will do my utmost, staking my job on extending Japan's refueling 
mission in the Indian Ocean..." This remark, which came from Prime 
Minister Shinzo Abe on the day before the Diet opened its 
extraordinary session, caused wide repercussions in Japan's 
political center of Nagatacho. Why at this timing? What's in the 
prime minister's heart of hearts? 
 
On the afternoon of Sept. 10, Abe was in a reception room for the 
president of the House of Councillors in the Diet. He was soon to 
take the upper chamber's platform in its plenary sitting for his 
keynote address. Seated on a chair, and with his elbows on the 
table, the prime minister was lost in thought for a while. 
 
Two days earlier, Abe was in Sydney, Australia (with other APEC 
leaders). Standing beside Abe, US President Bush talked to Abe about 
the recently aired TV footage of Osama bin Laden, leader of the 
 
TOKYO 00004241  002 OF 007 
 
 
worldwide terrorist group Al Qaeda. "This represents how dangerous 
the world is," Bush rattled. Bush-burdened by his low popularity 
ratings-cannot back down from his "war on terror." In his meeting 
with Abe as well, Bush was concerned about it. He urged Abe to 
continue Japan's refueling mission somehow. 
 
Meanwhile, Abe was feeling a subtle change in the United States' 
attitude over the issue of removing North Korea from its terrorist 
list. Japanese and US diplomatic officials had held a meeting to 
consult on this issue before the summit meeting. They agreed there 
that the United States would not sacrifice its bilateral 
relationship with Japan to normalize its diplomatic relations with 
North Korea. Bush and Abe were to have confirmed this. In their 
meeting, however, this issue was not taken up. 
 
North Korea's abduction of Japanese nationals tops the policy agenda 
for Abe and his cabinet to tackle. His predecessor, Junichiro 
Koizumi, established a relationship of mutual trust with Bush, and 
Abe has no choice but to count on Bush. Abe was asked directly by 
Bush to extend Japan's refueling mission. In a sense, it was just 
what Abe might have needed. He had no other choice but to make up 
his mind. 
 
"I've been saying abduction is an act of terrorism, so I can't 
refuse to cooperate in the war on terror. If Japan has to stop the 
Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission, that means allowing 
terrorism. If Japan fails to extend the mission, then I will have to 
make a serious decision." With this, Abe had confessed his serious 
mind to his aide before he met the press on Sept. 9. 
 
One views Abe's remark this time as a message aimed at calling 
public attention to the importance of refueling activities in the 
Indian Ocean. In a public opinion survey conducted by the Nihon 
Keizai Shimbun in late August as well, more than half of respondents 
were opposed to the MSDF's refueling activities. 
 
Abe's remark this time hinted at his readiness to step down should 
he fail to get Diet approval to extend Japan's refueling mission in 
the Indian Ocean. Then, what did Abe really mean? There are also 
some people surmising that Abe might have had his grandfather, 
namely, former Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi, in his heart of 
hearts. In June 1960, Kishi clarified his intention to step down in 
exchange for a new Japan-US security pact coming into effect. They 
say Abe also thought to step down after drawing cooperation (from 
the opposition bench in the Diet) on Japan's antiterror assistance 
as a symbol of the bilateral alliance between Japan and the United 
States. "I've heard that," noted one of Abe's pre-shuffle cabinet 
members. 
 
(3) Ozawa to lock horns with Abe in extra Diet session, aiming to 
force the prime minister to dissolve the Lower House for a snap 
election; Focus to be on DPJ's censure motion against prime 
minister 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
September 11, 2007 
 
The extraordinary Diet session convened yesterday in a tense 
atmosphere right from the beginning because of Prime Minister Shinzo 
Abe's statement that he and his cabinet might resign en masse if the 
Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling operation in the Indian 
Ocean could not be continued. Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or 
 
TOKYO 00004241  003 OF 007 
 
 
Minshuto) President Ichiro Ozawa, who sees the ongoing session as 
crucial for his party's strategy to grab the nation's political 
helm, has remained adamantly opposed to any continuation of the 
MSDF's mission (in the Indian Ocean). He is waiting for the right 
timing to force Abe to quit the prime minister's post and dissolve 
the Lower House to call for a snap election. 
 
Ozawa yesterday morning assembled a dozen or so senior party 
members, including Deputy President Naoto Kan and Upper House Caucus 
Chairman Azuma Koshiishi, in the party's executive office on the 
third floor of the Diet building. He told them: 
 
"We will only approve legislation that matches our principles and 
philosophy. But if it differs from that, any talk of revising the 
bill is out of the question. It would be dangerous for us to be 
folded into the ruling coalition's consultative framework. I would 
like the Policy Research Committee and the Diet Affairs Committee to 
keep that in mind." 
 
The government and ruling coalition is considering new legislation 
to extend the MSDF's refueling operation in the Indian Ocean. The 
new legislation will not include Ozawa's principle that overseas 
deployment of Self-Defense Forces (SDF) personnel must be limited to 
activities based on UN resolutions. Therefore, Ozawa finds no room 
for compromise. 
 
In a party study-group session on Sept. 3 in Karuizawa, Nagano 
Prefecture, Ozawa gave a lecture on the concentric structure of the 
basic unified principle of Japan-US security relations. In it, he 
developed his pet argument that the Charter of the United Nations, 
the Constitution of Japan, and the US-Japan Security Treaty should 
not be treated separately. The bilateral security arrangements and 
the Constitution are both based on the UN Charter. 
 
The government and ruling camp will present new legislation, aiming 
at enacting it at the Lower House, where the ruling coalition has 
two-thirds of the seats. Chances seem slim that the prime minister 
will step down, giving up the MSDF's mission, even if the MSDF 
operation is temporarily withdrawn from the Indian Ocean. Contrary 
to Ozawa's enthusiasm, some observers predict that it would be 
difficult to put Abe in that tight a spot regarding the extension of 
the MSDF's refueling operations. 
 
Therefore, the focus is now on when Ozawa submits to the Upper House 
a censure motion against the prime minister. The motion is not 
legally binding, but if it is adopted, the opposition will get an 
excuse for boycotting the plenary session, at which the prime 
minister will be present, as well as deliberations at the 
committees. A veteran lawmaker pointed out: "The opposition will 
probably submit another motion soon after the Lower House 
re-approved the new legislation (by a two-thirds majority vote)." 
 
The DPJ, now the largest party in the Upper House, intends to urge 
the government to disclose information on a series of politics-money 
scandals, as well as on the pension record-keeping fiasco, invoking 
the right of investigation of state affairs. Depending on the 
government's response, the opposition will likely stall the 
government, preventing deliberations. 
 
Ozawa recently ordered his aides to attend all committee meetings in 
which he won't be able to take part and report to him in detail. He 
also instructed each of the prefectures to get prospects until the 
 
TOKYO 00004241  004 OF 007 
 
 
end of September for about 100 single-seat constituencies, in which 
they have yet to file candidates. 
 
(4) Prime Minister Abe stakes his job on new antiterrorism 
legislation; Cabinet resignation en masse a real possibility 
 
MAINICHI (Page 3) (Abridged) 
September 11, 2007 
 
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's announcement of his readiness to resign 
if he failed to extend the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling 
mission in the Indian Ocean has effectively linked the question of 
extending the Antiterrorism Special Measures Law -- the hot-button 
issue in the just-opened extraordinary Diet session -- to the fate 
of the Abe administration. In the wake of Abe's announcement, the 
government and ruling bloc intend to try to get out of the hole with 
new legislation regardless of the Antiterrorism Law's November 1 
deadline. Nevertheless, the Abe administration is certain to face a 
possibly fatal situation irrespective of the fate of the new 
legislation. Abe's announcement to stake his job on an extension of 
the refueling mission has created a tough challenge for the major 
opposition Democratic Party of Japan, which has now become the 
largest party in the House of Councillors. 
 
Abe's comment on his resignation has pushed the government and 
ruling camp toward the option of presenting new legislation instead 
of extending the current Antiterrorism Law, which requires Diet 
approval before November 1. Extending the current law runs the risk 
of the fate of the Abe administration effectively being determined 
by DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa, who is adamantly opposed to extending 
the refueling mission. 
 
Although the presentation of new legislation would require Diet 
deliberations possibly beyond November 1, it would also allow the 
government to explain that the refueling mission is temporarily 
halted and that Diet deliberations are still underway. Such 
developments would not result in Abe's resignation and the deadline 
would also be effectively extended until the Diet adjourns. This 
would also enable the ruling camp, which holds a majority in the 
Lower House which takes precedence over the Upper House, to extend 
the Diet session until the end of the year. 
 
The envisaged new legislation is likely to do away with a clause 
requiring the Diet's retroactive approval of SDF dispatch. Given the 
DPJ's strong opposition to an extension of the refueling mission, 
the government and ruling camp think that they would have to aim at 
overturning the Upper House's rejection of the new legislation with 
a two-thirds majority in the Lower House in accordance with Article 
59 of the Constitution. 
 
Re-approval by the Lower House is based on a rejection by the Upper 
House. But there is no guarantee that the DPJ, which holds the Upper 
House Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee chairmanship, to reject 
the new legislation early. 
 
Failure by the Upper House to take final action within 60 days after 
receipt of the legislation passed by the Lower House may be 
determined by the Lower House to constitute a rejection of the bill 
by the Upper House, thereby allowing the Lower House to re-approve 
the legislation. This scenario would force the Diet to remain in 
session until November 10. In view of Prime Minister Abe's weakening 
grip on the LDP, there is skepticism in the ruling bloc about his 
 
TOKYO 00004241  005 OF 007 
 
 
ability to resort to such a step. 
 
The government and ruling bloc's scenario of overturning the Upper 
House's decision is already drawing fire from the DPJ, which regards 
its landslide victory in the July election as a manifestation of 
popular will. If the ruling bloc opts for re-approval by the Lower 
House, chances are that the DPJ will submit to the Upper House a 
censure motion against the prime minister which will eventually pass 
the chamber with a majority approval by the opposition parties. 
 
Such a consequence might prompt the government and ruling camp to 
openly try to seek Diet approval for the legislation in exchange for 
resignation of the Abe cabinet in order to avoid Lower House 
dissolution under the embattled prime minister. Asked on September 8 
for his action in the event a censure motion was adopted by the 
Upper House, Abe denied Lower House dissolution for a snap general 
election. 
 
Abe's comment to stake his job on the refueling mission has provoked 
the DPJ to harden its stance. The DPJ, which cannot afford to make 
compromises following its overwhelming victory in the July Upper 
House election, plans to block the legislation by exhaustive 
deliberations on it in the Upper House. The DPJ specifically intends 
to demand detailed explanations on the refueling mission by 
exercising its newly-found investigative powers in national 
politics. A senior DPJ lawmaker responsible for foreign and defense 
affairs commented: "There is a possibility that the MSDF has fueled 
US naval vessels headed for Iraq. If that is true, the new 
legislation would be blown up." 
 
DPJ Diet Affairs Committee Chair Kenji Yamaoka urged party members 
to remain on alert, saying: "If the SDF is to be pulled out while 
the new legislation is still being discussed, the government would 
wrongly blame the DPJ for its inability to hold the reins of 
government." President Ozawa, too, ordered party executives to brace 
for a showdown with the government and ruling bloc by telling them 
not to buy the story to slightly amend a bill designed to pursue 
different ideals. 
 
Although the DPJ may not be able to block every possible means the 
government and ruling bloc would employ, Abe's resignation seems 
inevitable if the bill was scrapped or carried over to the next Diet 
session. The focus would then shift to select Abe's successor as LDP 
president. 
 
(5) Japan, US conduct joint drills for 353 days in FY2006 
 
AKAHATA (Page 4) (Full) 
September 8, 2007 
 
The Self-Defense Forces carried out 54 joint training exercises with 
US forces for a total of 353 days in fiscal 2006, sources revealed 
yesterday. In fiscal 2005, the SDF and US forces conducted 106 joint 
training exercises for a total of 416 days, showing a sharp increase 
over the preceding fiscal year. As compared to that fiscal year, 
there was a decrease in the number of bilateral joint training 
exercises between the SDF and US forces in fiscal 2006. However, 
those joint drills were intended to step up the SDF's capability of 
fighting in warfare like the Iraq war. 
 
In October last year, the Ground Self-Defense Force's 1st Airborne 
Brigade, based in Chiba Prefecture, conducted joint training 
 
TOKYO 00004241  006 OF 007 
 
 
exercises in the GSDF's Sekiyama range in Niigata Prefecture with US 
troops from the 2nd Battalion of the 162nd Infantry Regiment of the 
41st Infantry Brigade of the Oregon Army National Guard. Those US 
troops experienced the Iraq war. 
 
The US battalion also participated in a mop-up operation in the 
central Iraqi city of Fallujah that was internationally decried for 
its indiscriminate massacre involving civilians. 
 
According to the winter 2006 issue of the Oregon Sentinel, a 
newspaper published for the Oregon Army, the battalion conducted 
joint training with the GSDF for traffic control, close-range 
fighting, scouting, and sniping. The paper says the joint training 
got a grip on reality with some of the troops playing the roles of 
citizens on the battlefield and others as "antigovernment 
elements." 
 
The paper explains the meaning of such joint training as follows: 
"Enemies are not always in military uniforms, as the Oregon troops 
encountered them when they were deployed in Iraq. One day, you may 
shake hands with someone there. The next day, that same person may 
set improvised explosive devices (IED) along the main supply 
routes." 
 
Iraq has been placed under unreasonable military control, so its 
population has now turned into an enemy. As it stands, US military 
operations in Iraq have bogged down. We can surmise that GSDF troops 
learned actual tactics in the training on how to carry out a 
military breakthrough facing such an impasse. 
 
In January and February this year, the GSDF's 1st Combined Brigade, 
based in Okinawa Prefecture, and US troops from the US Marine Corps' 
3rd Marine Division in Okinawa conducted urban combat training at 
the GSDF's Oyanohara range in Kumamoto Prefecture. The US military 
is attaching importance to urban combat training in carrying out the 
Iraq war. 
 
The USMC, in its Feb. 9 website news reporting on the urban combat 
drill, quoted a GSDF officer as saying: "Our tactics are based on 
books. The Marine Corps has very advanced combat experiences in the 
real world that we want to learn." 
 
The Air Self-Defense Force has been also conducting joint training 
with its US counterpart to step up its overseas combat capability. 
 
The ASDF has been carrying out live-fire and bombing exercises near 
Guam for its fighter jets since 2005. 
 
The ASDF's training there in 2005 was for its fighter jets only. In 
2006, however, ASDF fighters conducted dogfight training, with US 
Air Force F-15 fighters playing the roles of enemies. The training 
was for the ASDF's F-4EJ Kai fighters to carry out airstrikes while 
other ASDF fighters were in dogfights with the USAF's F-15 fighters, 
according to the June 15, 2006 issue of the Asagumo, an associate 
newspaper for the SDF. 
 
In June 2007, the ASDF's F-2 fighters participated in airstrike 
training for the first time. The F-2 is a state-of-the-art fighter 
jet model with its antiship and antiground capabilities enhanced. 
 
The ASDF has plans to introduce air tankers, which are capable of 
refueling F-15 and F-2 fighters in flight and which can extend their 
 
TOKYO 00004241  007 OF 007 
 
 
cruising range dramatically. The ASDF has already carried out joint 
training with the USAF. In fiscal 2006 as well, ASDF F-15 fighters 
were refueled in flight by USAF tanker aircraft on their flight 
training missions to Alaska. The ASDF and the USAF started such 
joint training in 2003. This further beefs up the ASDF's overseas 
airstrike capability. 
 
In addition, the ASDF, based on an intergovernmental agreement 
between Japan and the United States to realign US forces in Japan, 
conducted joint training in March at its Tsuiki base in Fukuoka 
Prefecture with US F-15 fighters deployed to the USAF's Kadena base 
in Okinawa Prefecture. Such joint training is intended to integrate 
Japan and the United States in the military area on the pretext of 
mitigating Okinawa's burden of hosting US military bases. 
 
SCHIEFFER