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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 08 TOKYO 004140 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/06/07 
 
 
Index: 
 
(1) Loan problem involving environment minister's fund management 
body: No end to sloppy fund management cases caused by cabinet 
ministers 
 
(2) Editorial: Environment Minister must give full explanation on 
mistakes in political fund reports 
 
(3) Reading world by Hiroshi Yuasa: Antiterrorism Special Measures 
Law defends Japan's sea lane 
 
(4) Japan-US talks widely delayed, making it "unlikely" for Japan to 
relax its import conditions for US beef by the end of year 
 
(5) Interview with Masahisa Sato, who seems in favor of greater 
freedom in weapons use by SDF 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Loan problem involving environment minister's fund management 
body: No end to sloppy fund management cases caused by cabinet 
ministers 
 
MAINICHI (Page 3) (Excerpts) 
September 6, 2007 
 
Following the revelation on Sept. 5 of discrepancies between the 
fund report filed by the fund management body of Environment 
Minister Ichiro Kamoshita and his political fund payment report over 
the loans that Kamoshita had extended, the shuffled Abe cabinet is 
facing yet another disturbing "politics and money" issue involving 
its minister. Prefacing his remark with "If I recall," Kamoshita 
explained that the case was a matter of an erroneous entry." Prime 
Minister Shinzo Abe and Chief Cabinet Secretary Kaoru Yosano 
accepted his explanation for the time being. However, there seems to 
be no end to sloppy fund management cases caused by cabinet 
ministers, as can be seen in the fact that State Minister in charge 
of Declining Birthrate has rectified her asset report. Abe tried to 
fend off pursuit by the opposition in the upcoming extraordinary 
Diet session with the resignations of Agriculture Minister Takehiko 
Endo and Upper House member Yutaka Kobayashi. However, Abe finds 
himself in a precarious situation with his intention already 
suffering a setback. 
 
The examination comp of the political fund report submitted by the 
New Policy Study Group (now Policy Paradigm Study Group), 
Kamoshita's fund management body, clearly shows discrepancies. The 
fund management body claimed that it borrowed from Kamoshita 2 
million yen in 1996 and 10 million yen in 1997. However, the 1997 
fund report claimed 10 million yen as outstanding loan balance. The 
2 million yen entered in the previous year was missing. A new loan 
worth 3 million yen was recorded in the 1998 report. However, the 
outstanding loan balance in that year jumped to 23 billion yen for 
no given reason. 
 
Kamoshita during the press conference stressed that the borrowing 
incurred in 1996 was 2 million yen," saying that the 10 million yen 
reported until 2005 was an erroneous entry. He said that he would 
rectify the amount of outstanding loan balance accordingly. However, 
the grounds for that is his memory. He said that there were no 
documents endorsing the money borrowing and lending relationship 
 
TOKYO 00004140  002 OF 008 
 
 
with the fund management body. As a matter of fact, the Political 
Fund Control Law does not mandate the attachment of such documents. 
 
Under the Political Fund Control Law, recording false information in 
fund reports is liable to imprisonment for no more than five years 
or a fine worth no more than 1 million yen. 
 
The amount entered as loans receivable in Kamoshita's asset report 
submitted to the Lower House speaker is completely different from 
the amount of borrowings entered in the political fund payment 
report. The Asset Disclosure Law, which was put into force in 1993, 
obligates the submission of asset reports. The standard of 
requirements attached to the asset reports is less strict than 
requirements attached to the political funds payment reports. The 
law requires the entry of the total amount of loans receivable, but 
no details or I.O.U. documents are required. 
 
Explanations given by Kamoshita are just excuses 
 
Hiroyuki Uewaki, professor of Kobe Gakuin University Graduate School 
and co-representative of the Political Fund Ombudsman: The Political 
Fund Control Law obligates politicians to keep an account book. If 
account books are inherited properly, a discrepancy worth 8 million 
yen would not have occurred, even if accounting clerks were 
replaced. Mr. Kamoshita's explanation sounds like an excuse. Prime 
Minister Abe said that cabinet ministers who are unable to explain 
problems pointed out should leave the post. However, if he accepts 
his explanation, people would think that the prime minister has 
moved back from that stance. 
 
It is highly risky for prime minister to defend Kamoshita; Likely to 
be held responsible, if another discrepancy is discovered 
 
The Abe administration is on the edge of a precipice. It could 
collapse, if another cabinet minister is forced to resign. However, 
Abe appears to have calculated that he can tide over the predicament 
this time. It was not Chief Cabinet Secretary Yosano but Deputy 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Matsushige Ono that listened to Kamoshita's 
explanation on the 5th. One member of the LDP leadership also 
indicated his perception that there would be no problem about his 
case. 
 
Provided that a new discrepancy crops up from Kamoshita's 
explanation, the prime minister is bound to be held accountable for 
his accepting his explanations temporarily. In that sense, it is a 
highly risky game for the Prime Minister's Official Residence to 
defend Kamoshita. Another politics and money scandal involving State 
Minister Kamikawa occurred on the 5th. She corrected her asset 
report. A senior Upper House member expressed concern about the 
situation in which four ministers of the reshuffled cabinet 
corrected their political fund reports and asset reports, noting, "I 
wonder the administration can endure opposition parties' attacks 
during Upper House deliberations." 
 
The opposition is determined to strengthen the pursuit of Kamoshita 
in place of former Agriculture Minister Endo in the extraordinary 
Diet session to be convened on the 10th, as they think that the 
explanation provided by Kamoshita is insufficient. 
 
Azuma Koshiishi, chairman of the DPJ caucus in the Upper House, 
noted, "This is a scandalous story. The public cannot understand why 
Kamoshita is unable to explain 8 million yen in loans he extended." 
 
TOKYO 00004140  003 OF 008 
 
 
Japanese Communist Party General Secretary Tadayoshi Ichita 
criticized, "If he cannot give satisfactory explanations, he would 
have no other choice but to resign. We want to look into the 
possibility of submitting a censure motion against the environment 
minister at the most crucial timing." Social Democratic Party head 
Mizuho Fukushima said, "The Abe cabinet is a faulty new cabinet. The 
prime minister's responsibility for appointing Mr. Kamoshita is 
heavy." 
 
(2) Editorial: Environment Minister must give full explanation on 
mistakes in political fund reports 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
September 6, 2007 
 
What is happening with this administration? Following the 
resignation of farm minister Takehiko Endo, another money scandal 
involving Environment Minister Ichiro Kamoshita came to light 
yesterday. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has said that Kamoshita need 
not quit his post since it was a book-keeping error. However, can 
Kamoshita's explanation convince the public? 
 
Kamoshita's fund management organization filed in its political fund 
report for 2005 that it had borrowed 10 million yen from Kamoshita 
in 1996, but according to its fund report for 1996, it had borrowed 
only 2 million yen that year. It failed to explain what happened 
with the remaining 8 million yen in its 2005 report. 
 
In his assets disclosure reports, which he is required to submit the 
speaker of the House of Representatives, Kamoshita reported that he 
had no loan as of January 1997. In his report for 2000, he filed 8.2 
million yen in loans. He, however, filled no loan in his reports for 
2004 and 2005. He failed to report money he loaned to his political 
fund management body. 
 
Kamoshita revealed on the afternoon of Sept. 5 that he had loaned 2 
million yen in 1996, 10 million yen in 1997, and 3 million yen in 
1998, to the fund management organization. He then said that he 
would correct his political funds and assets disclosure reports. He 
attributed the differences in the two separate reports to 
miscommunication between those who drafted the separate reports. 
 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Kaoru Yosano stated: "The drafters of the 
two separate reports might have made mistakes. We, humans often make 
clerical mistakes and create false impressions." If he believes so, 
he has a different sense of things than does the public. Filing a 
false political fund report is an illegal act. Huge amounts of tax 
money are offered to political parties. Many people have doubts 
about the fact that lawmakers think that they are forgiven if they 
only correct the mistakes. 
 
Prime Minister Abe is said to have taken much time to check 
candidates for his new cabinet as to how they managed political 
funds. If he screened Kamoshita's political funds reports, he would 
have easily found inconsistencies in his reports. The Prime 
Minister's Official Residence (Kantei) undeniably lacks a screening 
ability. 
 
Yoko Kamikawa, state minister in charge of declining birthrate, 
filed corrections yesterday for her asset disclosure reports, saying 
the reports did not include loans to her fund management 
organization. Yukiko Sakamoto quit her parliamentary secretary post 
 
TOKYO 00004140  004 OF 008 
 
 
over the inclusion of fictitious meeting costs in her political 
activity spending. Former farm minister Tokuichiro Tamazawa left the 
LDP over the fake receipts scandal that the LDP chapter which he 
headed used the same receipts up to five times by changing dates. 
The public is beginning to think that there are few LDP lawmakers 
who accurately declare their political fund reports. The lawmakers 
should take it seriously. Secretary General Taro Aso has been 
negative about a revision of the Political Funds Control Law 
requiring politicians to attach to their political fund reports 
receipts for expenditures of one yen or more for office, utilities 
and miscellaneous expenses. It is said that there is a move in the 
LDP to oppose the trend of reinforcing the control. Have they 
already forgotten why they suffered a humiliating defeat in the July 
Upper House election? 
 
The opposition bloc appears to be submitting censure motions to the 
Upper House in the upcoming extraordinary session of the Diet. With 
the resignation of Endo, Prime Minister Abe has been forced to be in 
a tough position. 
 
(3) Reading world by Hiroshi Yuasa: Antiterrorism Special Measures 
Law defends Japan's sea lane 
 
SANKEI (Page 6) (Abridged) 
September 5, 2007 
 
Frankly, I was under the impression that there was neither "mutual 
concession" nor "mutual respect" between Japan and China. I keenly 
felt that after a session of marine experts from Japan and China to 
discuss exploration of natural resources in the East China Sea. 
 
I do not intend to deny even "mutual benefit or reciprocity." The 
term "reciprocity" appeared when Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during 
his visit to China last year declared 'strategic reciprocity' 
together with his Chinese counterpart, so I may need to wait for 
this idea to take root. 
 
Both Japan and China agreed to the concept of strategic reciprocity 
during Abe's "ice-breaking tour" of China last fall, and during 
Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's "ice-melting tour" of Japan this 
spring, the two countries were supposed to depart from their 
previous confrontation and to find common ground in foreign affairs. 
But development of natural resources in the East China Sea has been 
put aside in those two rounds of summit talks. 
 
During a Japan-China dialogue on marine security hosted by the Ocean 
Policy Research Foundation (chaired by Masahiro Akiyama), a Japanese 
expert in attendance noted with an amazed look: "I've lost hope to 
see the Chinese side insisting that the continent is superior to 
islands. It's nonsense that China regards the sea that is called the 
East China Sea by Japan and other countries as a Chinese territorial 
sea." 
 
These remarks came out in response to a Chinese researcher's remarks 
that: "The Japanese side insisted on the use of the median line, but 
there is a difference in status between the continent and islands. 
In short, Japan is geographically put in a disadvantageous situation 
in the East China Sea, so if Japan goes on insisting on the use of 
the median line, no agreement will be permanently reached between 
the two countries." 
 
This Chinese researcher also noted that as China possesses a "regal 
 
TOKYO 00004140  005 OF 008 
 
 
presence of a big power," it responded to discussion of joint 
development of a disputed sea water area. 
 
The researcher was not a rabble-rouser but a leading marine 
researcher. Other Chinese researchers, as well, chanted the same 
view, leaving us under the impression that they simply obeyed the 
Chinese forces' views. It seems utterly impossible to pin hopes on 
even experts' conscience. 
 
For instance, one researcher, speaking of the case of China's Han 
class nuclear submarine's intrusion into Japan's territorial waters 
in November 2004, argued bluntly: "Japan refers to that water area 
as its territorial waters, and Japan describes the seven seas as if 
they are all Japan's territorial waters. If all the seas are ruled 
by Japan, no country can pass them through." 
 
China is granted the international right of transit passage around 
Ishigaki Island. But the area is within Japan's territorial waters. 
So, even submarines are required by international law to surface and 
navigate in the sea. 
 
What China is asserting is tantamount to declaring it is all right 
to ignore international rules if they do not serve its rights. This 
is a reality of China, which portrays itself a "regal presence of a 
big power." That is why Japan needs to resolutely deal with China if 
it ignores rules, or China will accumulate a number of faits 
accomplis and escalate its behavior. 
 
In fact, China used armed force to fight off Vietnamese from the 
Sprately Islands in 1988. 
 
Afterwards, China erected a military facility on Mischief Atoll of 
the Philippines and has put the area under its control. 
 
China appears to view seas as a place for it to acquire energy 
resources, as well as to help it to counter America's military power 
in connection with a reunification of China and Taiwan. For the 
Chinese Navy, its major objective is presumably to defend China's 
sea lane. 
 
In this dangerous sea area, no one can deny that Japanese and 
Chinese vessels may accidentally fight each other. Should 
Japan-China relations turn strained, Japan's sea lane in the South 
China Sea for the transportation of oil from the Middle East to 
Japan is more likely to be interrupted. 
 
Atsushi Kitamura, a technical advisor to the US Navy, explained: "It 
is therefore significant for the Maritime Self-Defense Force's 
(MSDF) supply ships to back up the multinational force under the 
Antiterrorism Special Measures Law." The open sea outside the 
Persian Gulf is China's sea lane for its oil supplies. 
 
If China prevents Japanese tankers from navigating in the South 
China Sea, then the multinational force can seize Chinese vessels in 
the Indian Ocean. Bearing this possibility in mind, China has 
restrained its action. The MSDF's participation in the multinational 
force in the Arabian Sea in this sense is beneficial to Japan 
because it defends Japan's sea lanes. 
 
(4) Japan-US talks widely delayed, making it "unlikely" for Japan to 
relax its import conditions for US beef by the end of year 
 
 
TOKYO 00004140  006 OF 008 
 
 
SANKEI (Page 8) (Full) 
September 6, 2007 
 
Prospects look uncertain in negotiations between Japan and the 
United States to ease Japan's import conditions for US beef. The 
uncertainty stems from the frequent replacements of Japanese 
agriculture ministers, as well as the gaps in standpoints between 
the United States, which calls for a full lifting of import 
conditions, and Japan, which is cautious about such. The relaxing of 
import conditions, expected by the end of the year, now seems 
unlikely. 
 
Japan and the United States commenced expert talks in June to 
reconsider import conditions. Judging from what was discussed there, 
the Japanese side analyzed that it was less likely that US cattle 
would be infected with BSE and set a policy course of easing the 
import condition, raising the cattle age limit from the current 20 
months to an age limit of 30 months, as adopted widely in Europe. A 
final decision on this policy was expected by the end of the year if 
matters went smoothly after discussions by the Food Safety 
Commission concluded. 
 
However, since August, agricultural ministers have been replaced 
with bewildering speed, with Norihiko Akagi followed by Takehiko 
Endo followed by Masatoshi Wakabayashi. As a result, Japan and the 
US have yet to set up a meeting with US Agriculture Secretary 
Johanns to discuss easing import conditions. 
 
Meanwhile, calls for Japan's lifting its import conditions 
concerning the months of cattle are growing stronger in the US on 
the grounds that the World Organization for Animal Health (OIE) has 
recognized US beef as safe to export regardless of the age of the 
cattle. The US meat industry at one point voiced understanding about 
Japan's delay, citing its domestic circumstances with the chairman 
of the US Meat Export Federation (USMEF) saying, "Japan will follow 
the procedures step by step," but now hard-liners are gaining 
momentum. 
 
(5) Interview with Masahisa Sato, who seems in favor of greater 
freedom in weapons use by SDF 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged) 
Evening, September 5, 2007 
 
By Akio Fujiwara 
 
House of Councillors lawmaker Masahisa Sato, 46, a former 
Self-Defense Force (SDF) colonel who once led a contingent to Iraq, 
stirred up a controversy during an appearance on a recent television 
program when he said that SDF personnel should be allowed to use 
weapons more freely. 
 
Sato made the controversial remark in an August 10 TBS news program 
that reported on the Council for Rebuilding the Legal Foundation for 
National Defense, an advisory panel to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. 
When the subject turned to use of weapons by SDF personnel engaged 
in peacekeeping operations, many indicated that in the event foreign 
troops in the same operations came under attack, SDF troops should 
be allowed to rush over to provide protection. Under the 
government's interpretation of the Constitution, such an act would 
violate the top law, for it does not fit any cases in which weapons 
use are now allowed, such as self-defense and avoiding immediate 
 
TOKYO 00004140  007 OF 008 
 
 
danger. 
 
Sato, having actually served in Iraq, then stated: 
 
"If the SDF and the Dutch military had been carrying out activities 
in areas close to one another and if the SDF had failed to take some 
kind of action (such as returning fire), the SDF would have drawn 
criticism (from countries concerned)." 
 
The announcer commented: "Mr. Sato indicated that in order to guard 
the Dutch troops, he had intended to go over in the name of 
information-gathering and thus be dragged into the conflict." 
 
Sato continued: 
 
"We cannot create a situation of self-defense or avoiding immediate 
danger unless we become embroiled in a conflict. I think we would 
have gone (to defend) our friends when we saw they were in trouble 
under our nose. I would be happy to be tried under Japanese law as a 
result of (such an act)." 
 
Sato's comment eventually elicited an open letter from some 150 
constitutional protectionists, including lawyers, saying, "What he 
said violates the Constitution and conflicts with civilian control." 
They called for Sato's resignation as a lawmaker. 
 
What was his true intention? I called on Sato at his office in the 
Dietmembers' Office Building in Nagatacho. 
 
"I was interviewed by the broadcaster a couple of days before that 
council meeting. I didn't expect the broadcaster to use my remarks 
in such a program. Although the program discussed the right to 
collective self-defense (which was supposed to be discussed by the 
council), I simply talked about use of weapons from a general 
viewpoint regarding the option of extending a helping hand and other 
situations. Various discussions have been held on SDF arms 
guidelines, and as a result, a commander is now allowed to issue an 
order to use weapons. Today, SDF personnel are allowed to use 
weapons in defending themselves or those under their control or to 
avoid immediate danger." 
 
Sato, who apparently thought that such was still insufficient, 
added: 
 
"But in reality, the SDF is not allowed to use weapons even if SDF 
troops or Japanese citizens are abducted. That's why we couldn't do 
anything when Japanese journalist and NGO workers were attacked in 
Samawah." 
 
Nevertheless, severe restrictions on use of weapons by the SDF on 
overseas missions are a manifestation of the national consensus. In 
fact, when a young Japanese traveler was killed in Iraq, there was 
hardly any call for allowing the SDF to use arms. 
 
Then why did Sato bring up such a hypothetical situation as 
defending the Dutch military and being tried under Japanese law at 
this point? 
 
According to Sato, the reason was because two different subjects 
were put into one story in the program. "Being tried meant a 
decision by a court of law. If we had used arms, the judiciary would 
have made a final decision. It certainly didn't mean that we were 
 
TOKYO 00004140  008 OF 008 
 
 
willing to break law," Sato explained, adding: "If SDF troops used 
arms in Iraq, Cambodia, or elsewhere, a court of law would always 
come in to determine if they did so in self-defense. Many people are 
not aware of that." 
 
How was the SDF viewed in Iraq? I was in Samawah collecting 
information on the SDF in February 2004, during which I asked the 
Dutch commander: "If the SDF comes under attack, will Dutch troops 
help them?" In response, the Dutch commander said: "They (SDF) seem 
professional soldiers who are capable of defending themselves. It 
will not be necessary for us to assist them." 
 
Sato also noted: 
 
"The idea of troops of one country defending another country's 
troops is unacceptable internationally. In particular, if you 
compare the Dutch military with the SDF, the GSDF is superior in 
terms of arms efficiency and other factors, not to mention national 
strength. The Dutch Army and Navy were really small in scale." 
 
Although Sato stopped short of speaking his mind in the interview, 
he presumably wanted to say that the SDF should be allowed to engage 
in operations suitable to their level of equipment and that if they 
cannot use weapons, they should not be sent overseas. 
 
DONOVAN