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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 SAO PAULO 000777 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR WHA/BSC, INR/IAA, INR/R/AA 
STATE PASS USTR FOR KATE DUCKWORTH 
NSC FOR TOMASULO 
TREASURY FOR JHOEK 
USDOC FOR 4332/ITA/MAC/WH/OLAC 
USDOC ALSO FOR 3134/USFCS/OIO 
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USAID FOR LAC/AA 
FAA FOR CCAPESTANY, MASHBY, CTFRANCESCHI 
DEPT OF TRANSPORTATION FOR BHEDBERG 
BUENOS AIRES FOR TSA ATTACHE 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: ECON PINR PGOV ELAB EAIR BR
SUBJECT: CIVIC MOVEMENT "CANSEI" GENERATES BACKLASH 
 
 
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SUMMARY 
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¶1.  (U) In an attempt to tap into popular discontent with the Lula 
government, a group of Sao Paulo-based professional and business 
organizations recently launched the Civic Movement for the Right of 
Brazilians, known informally as "Cansei" (I'm tired).  Though 
leaders insist that the movement is nonpartisan and not aimed at 
anyone, the federal government and social movements affiliated with 
President Lula's party have reacted strongly, characterizing 
"Cansei" as a bunch of very wealthy members of the "white elite" 
with nothing better to do than complain.  Despite this public 
perception problem, the movement is attempting to press ahead with 
its agenda, identifying three priority areas for discussion and 
development of specific proposals for education, public 
administration, and public security.  End Summary. 
 
------------ 
I'M TIRED... 
------------ 
 
¶2.  (U) The Civic Movement for the Right of Brazilians was founded 
in late July by Flavio Luiz Borges d'Urso, President of the Sao 
Paulo Section of the National Bar Association (OAB), and media 
impresario Joao Doria Jr, founder and president of the Group of 
Business Leaders (LIDE) and related organizations.  According to 
d'Urso, the movement's leadership coined the slogan "Cansei" 
(literally, "I got tired," but more idiomatically, "I'm sick and 
tired" or "I'm fed up") for publicity purposes.  As outlined on its 
website and to posters, Cansei members are sick and tired of "air 
traffic chaos, the parallel government of traffickers, children in 
the streets, corrupting businessmen, stray bullets, so much 
corruption, and of [the government] not doing anything [about it]." 
(Note:  The July 17 accident at Congonhas airport of TAM flight 3054 
which killed 199 people appears to be the catalyst that started this 
movement.  End Note.) 
 
¶3. (U) Many notable organizations have joined the movement, 
including the Sao Paulo State Federation of Industries (FIESP), the 
Federation of Brazilian Bankers (FEBRABAN), the National 
Confederation of Young Businessmen (CONAJE), and the Sao Paulo 
Chamber of Commerce (ACSP).  In addition, on July 27, the Latin 
American subsidiary of the Netherlands-based multinational Philips 
took out a half-page advertisement in major newspapers announcing 
its adherence to the movement, the only individual company to join. 
 
 
¶4.  (U) Cansei's first act was to urge all Brazilians to observe a 
moment of silence on August 17, the one-month anniversary of the 
plane crash, in memory of the victims.  Cansei also organized a 
ceremony at the Cathedral in downtown Sao Paulo, but several days 
before the event, Archbishop Odilo Pedro Scherer withdrew 
permission, forcing the organizers to move to the outdoor Praca da 
Se.  The event drew somewhere between 2,000 and 5,000 participants, 
including a number of well-known actors and entertainers.  The 
movement's leaders considered it a success in raising consciousness 
and attracting members. 
 
--------------- 
NO, WE'RE TIRED 
 
SAO PAULO 00000777  002 OF 004 
 
 
--------------- 
 
¶5.  (U) Allies of the governing coalition were quick to cast Cansei 
as a political movement, pointing out that Joao Doria Jr. is linked 
to the opposition Social Democracy Party of Brazil (PSDB) and helped 
manage the unsuccessful 2006 presidential campaign of PSDB candidate 
Geraldo Alkmin.  Within a week, the Unified Workers' Central (CUT) - 
a labor organization closely tied to President Lula's Workers' Party 
(PT) - had founded a movement of its own, called "Cansamos" (We're 
tired), whose members were reportedly tired of "slave labor, tax 
evasion, child labor, media with no time for social movements, 
inhumane working hours, media that criminalizes popular struggle, a 
justice system that favors the economically powerful, media that 
only gives space to the powerful, big company lobbies, high interest 
rates, banking fees, the lack of worker rights for more than half 
the population," and a host of other perceived ills.  In addition, 
the PT's Central Executive Committee (CEN) issued a resolution 
calling on the entire party to stand up to "the new offensive that 
the right and elements of the mass media unleashed against the PT 
and the Lula government" in the aftermath of the plane crash and 
other setbacks. 
 
---------------------------- 
THE BAR ASSOCIATION EXPLAINS 
---------------------------- 
 
¶6.  (U) Poloff and Political Assistant met August 29 with Luiz 
Flavio Borges d'Urso and other leaders of the Sao Paulo Bar 
Association (OAB) to ask about the Cansei movement's organizing 
principles and agenda.  D'Urso placed the movement in the context of 
the OAB's other advocacy activities.  The Bar Association, he 
explained, is a professional organization which by statute involves 
itself in public causes, including promotion of human rights, 
democratic institutions, and the rule of law, and has campaigned for 
disabled, the aged, and children, and against domestic violence, to 
name a few.  OAB often organizes programs in conjunction with the 
same business associations that are part of Cansei.  According to 
d'Urso, an integral part of public interest advocacy is to praise 
institutions, including government, when merited but also to 
criticize them as appropriate.  In this case, though Cansei was 
created to be constructive and to stimulate a fresh look at Brazil's 
systemic problems, the movement is inevitably critical of the 
government and is thus perceived as political, he explained.  The 
Archbishop's change of heart on Cansei's use of the Cathedral, in 
d'Urso's view, was a case of bowing to pressure and was motivated by 
an institutional desire to steer clear of controversy. 
 
¶7.  (U) Following the symbolic moment of silence, d'Urso continued, 
movement participants voted to make Education, Public 
Administration, and Public Security the priority areas for 
engagement.  The movement plans to organize roundtables to debate 
action plans for the three areas to propose to the government. 
Issues such as the aviation crisis and endemic corruption will be 
subsumed under the Public Administration rubric. 
 
---------------------- 
ACCUSATIONS OF ELITISM 
---------------------- 
 
¶8.  (U) Asked why the government and others had responded so 
negatively to the movement's creation, D'Urso pleaded 
 
SAO PAULO 00000777  003 OF 004 
 
 
misunderstanding.  The Cansei movement, which he reiterated was 
nonpartisan and would remain so, was launched at about the same time 
as family members of victims of the plane crash organized a march 
from Ibirapuera park to the crash site across the street from 
Congonhas airport, where demonstrators commemorated the victims and 
shouted "Fora Lula" (Lula Out) and similar anti-government slogans. 
D'Urso insisted that Cansei had nothing to do with this 
demonstration or with "Fora Lula" events that took place in several 
cities in following weeks, but the connection had been made in the 
public mind.  Long before the August 17 moment of silence, at which 
some members of the crowd also shouted "Fora Lula" (and were 
disavowed by Cansei leaders), the movement had been pegged as 
anti-Lula and representative of Brazil's economic and political 
elites.  (Comment:  Several observers noted that the government and 
the PT are still smarting from the July 13 incident when Lula was 
booed at the opening ceremony of the Pan American games in Rio de 
Janeiro and thus are now more than ever sensitive to criticism of 
any sort.  End Comment.) 
 
¶9.  (U) An idiosyncrasy of contemporary Brazilian political culture 
is that civic movements are hallowed and revered, hearkening back as 
they do to opposition to the military dictatorship and the 1984 
"Diretas Ja" clamor for direct democratic elections, but only 
insofar as they are perceived as representative of the lowest 
classes.  This attitude was perhaps best summed up by the Sao Paulo 
president of CUT when he said, "the poorer I am, the more Brazilian 
I am."  The booing of Lula in Rio de Janeiro, for instance, was 
dismissed by many as merely a reflection of the middle- to 
upper-class composition of the crowd, and therefore somehow not 
entirely authentic or to be taken seriously.  The fact that polls 
published shortly thereafter showed Lula's popularity undiminished 
only served to reinforce this perception. 
 
¶10.  (U) "Cansei" leaders did not help their cause when they tried 
to tell their side of the story.  Joao Doria Jr, interviewed by 
mass-circulation weekly magazine Veja, complained that public 
opinion discriminates against the successful and wealthy, stressing 
the right of successful people to express political opinions and to 
demonstrate.  His self-portrayal as someone who never smoked, drank, 
or used drugs; doesn't fight or use profanity; started using hair 
gel at the age of nine; and works 17 hours a day, may have made it 
difficult for ordinary Brazilians to find common cause with him. 
Another movement leader, Paulo Zottolo, CEO of Philips Latin 
America, drew negative attention to himself when, referring to one 
of Brazil's very poor and isolated northeastern states, he told an 
interviewer that "if Piaui ceases to exist, nobody will be upset." 
 
---------------------- 
A BUSINESS PERSPECTIVE 
---------------------- 
 
¶11.  (U) In a September 4 meeting with Poloff and Political 
Assistant, Zottolo insisted his remark had been taken out of 
context, but again, the damage had been done.  Zottolo characterized 
his company's decision to join the movement as a business decision. 
Philips believes the company has been disadvantaged by the GoB vis a 
vis Brazilian companies, and has been frustrated by Brazil's failure 
to advance towards meaningful economic reform, especially in its 
taxation system.  The Cansei movement, Zottolo said, is not meant to 
be a popular grass-roots movement, but rather an attempt by the 
business community to speak out effectively about the challenges 
 
SAO PAULO 00000777  004 OF 004 
 
 
Brazil faces and to try to get things moving in the right direction. 
 
 
¶12.  (U) The sentiment of ineffective governance had been building 
in the community for some time, Zottolo added, and the plane crash, 
coupled with the ongoing chaos in civil aviation, merely provided 
the proverbial straw.  "We pay taxes, we respect the law, so we 
think we deserve to be heard and respected.  We made this point to 
the government," Zottolo explained.  He acknowledged that the 
movement now faces a challenge in moving from general expressions of 
discontent to a new phase of developing consensus around 
constructive proposals and working with the government to implement 
them.  Unlike d'Urso and Doria, who both claimed to have been 
surprised by the intensity of the backlash against the movement, 
Zottolo claimed he and his colleagues had anticipated it.  The Lula 
government, he explained, is hypersensitive to any and all criticism 
and almost instinctively reacts in the language of class struggle. 
For its part, Philips will continue to participate so long as Cansei 
retains its non-partisan character, but will withdraw if the 
movement becomes an instrument of any political party or faction. 
 
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COMMENT 
------- 
 
¶13.  (U) There exists, in many segments of Brazilian society, 
general weariness with certain long-standing facts of life in Brazil 
that include:  poor infrastructure, high taxation, a cumbersome 
bureaucracy, and what many believe to be the government's inability 
and/or unwillingness to stimulate or accommodate needed change. 
While these issues are at the heart of what political and economic 
observers see as the friction creating drag on the Brazilian 
economy, many Brazilians are still doing well economically and real 
incomes have improved, especially among the poor.  Accordingly, the 
likelihood of Cansei's attracting substantial broad-based support is 
open to question.  The slogan itself also appears ill-advised in 
that while it may accurately sum up some people's feelings, it is 
not very effective as a rallying cry.  As former President Fernando 
Henrique Cardoso recently commented to the CG, it's not a motto that 
Martin Luther King, Jr., would have chosen to inspire his followers. 
 In addition, the movement's leaders, for all their sincerity and 
earnestness, have made themselves easy targets for caricature. 
Finally, given the fact that the government is not in much of a mood 
to entertain even constructive criticism, the direct impact of 
Cansei on improving Brazilian governance may be limited.   End 
Comment. 
 
¶14.  (U) This cable was coordinated with Embassy Brasilia. 
 
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