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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 003865 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/21/07 
 
 
Index: 
 
(1) DPJ head Ozawa criticizes Abe cabinet, noting his party is 
opposed to extending antiterrorism law 
 
(2) SDF in transformation: Uniformed officers guided lawmakers after 
9/11 (part 3) 
 
(3) Japan's diplomacy toward DPRK: Japan needs to shift to 
engagement policy, Hajime Izumi says 
 
(4) Daring prediction -- 2007 reversal of power in Upper House (1): 
Fate of the Abe administration 5 
(5) Fate of WTO Doha Round 
 
(6) New Komeito head Ota in interview stresses placing more 
importance on daily lives of ordinary people than on constitutional 
amendments 
 
(Corrected copy) Editorial: Prime Minister Abe must use caution in 
discussing late Judge Pal 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) DPJ head Ozawa criticizes Abe cabinet, noting his party is 
opposed to extending antiterrorism law 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN ONLINE NEWS 
August 21, 2007, 12:56 p.m. 
 
Kyodo 
 
The major opposition Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) President 
Ichiro Ozawa this morning gave a speech at a gathering of the "Ozawa 
School of Government" in Tokyo and again indicated his intention to 
oppose an extension of the Antiterrorism Special Measures Law. He 
stressed that his party was opposed to the extension, saying, "News 
reports said that I had conveyed to US Ambassador to Japan Thomas 
Schieffer my personal (opposition to the extension) when I recently 
met with him, but I at the time simply explained our party's 
principles to the ambassador." 
 
Speaking of the Self-Defense Forces' (SDF) support operations going 
on under the law, Ozawa pointed out: "They have supplied goods for 
America's war, which has no connection with the United Nations. The 
basic principles of (overseas dispatches of SDF troops) have been 
undermined." 
 
Ozawa rapped the Abe cabinet this way: "It's even unclear when the 
fall extraordinary session of the Diet will be convened. The cabinet 
is in the state of being brain dead." In the meantime, he said of 
the DPJ that "the DPJ has now been charged with a very serious 
mission" with the recent reversal of the positions in the Upper 
House between the ruling and opposition parties. 
 
(2) SDF in transformation: Uniformed officers guided lawmakers after 
9/11 (part 3) 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Abridged) 
August 21, 2007 
 
Right after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United 
 
TOKYO 00003865  002 OF 012 
 
 
States, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi ordered his aide not to 
waste any time. 
 
The extremely short order reflected Koizumi's eagerness to speedily 
come up with measures to support the United States. 
 
Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Teijiro Furukawa ordered the Cabinet 
Legislation Bureau (CLB) to let its senior members attend a meeting 
to discuss legal affairs for sending Self-Defense Force troops 
overseas. Normally, a bill is drafted by a ministry or the Cabinet 
Secretariat for a check by the CLB. Such a standard process was too 
 
SIPDIS 
time-consuming at the time. 
 
On the afternoon of September 15, the deputy CLB chief, deputy chief 
cabinet secretaries, senior officials from the Foreign Ministry and 
Defense Agency secretly met at Furukawa's office in the Kantei 
(Prime Minister's Official Residence). 
 
"We can apply the legislation to deal with contingencies in areas 
surrounding Japan," some said. But it was absurd to include 
Afghanistan and Pakistan -- countries where Japanese troops might 
head for in the near future -- in the category of "areas surrounding 
Japan." The meeting consequently tilted toward establishing a new 
law. 
 
Looking back at those days, then Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo 
Fukuda said: "A plan to establish a new law came out on September 
¶17. We also consulted the New Komeito on the matter." This happened 
only seven days after 9/11. 
 
There were developments in the Foreign Ministry as well. Vice 
Foreign Minister Yoshiji Nogami ordered on September 12 senior 
ministry officials to draft a new law. Days later, Ambassador to the 
United States Shunji Yanai held a meeting with US Deputy Secretary 
of State Richard Armitage at the State Department in Washington and 
sent a cable to Japan requesting the deployment of the SDF. 
 
The Foreign Ministry's moves pressed the Kantei for enacting the 
Antiterrorism Special Measures Law, according to a former Foreign 
Ministry official. 
 
Japanese lawmakers and bureaucrats took advantage of domestic and 
international calls for supporting the US antiterrorism operations. 
SDF officials also made a unique move. 
 
Clad in plain clothes instead of their uniforms, Ground Staff Office 
officers, who were essentially the brains of the Ground Self-Defense 
Force, repeatedly called on lawmakers secretly. Their purpose was to 
persuade the lawmakers to keep turning their deaf ear to calls in 
the LDP for sending SDF troops to Afghanistan. It did not take time 
for talk to spread in the capitol district of Nagatacho that SDF 
troops would not be able to defend themselves under the strict 
weapons use rules. The government eventually decided to dispatch the 
Maritime Self-Defense Force, instead of the GSDF, to the Indian 
Ocean to engage in refueling operations. 
 
Uniformed officers making direct contacts with lawmakers behind the 
backs of Defense Ministry officials not in uniform has been taboo 
from the viewpoint of civilian control. "Such an act is absolutely 
unacceptable," a senior Defense Ministry official said. 
 
Yet, the uniformed officers' action pointed to a problem with the 
 
TOKYO 00003865  003 OF 012 
 
 
trend to accelerate the overseas deployment of the SDF before 
meeting the required conditions. 
 
Former government officials believe that the uniformed officers' 
lobbying activities affected political decisions. "The collapse of 
the WTC Towers was that shocking," Fukuda explained. 
 
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe delivered a speech at the North Atlantic 
Council in January this year in which he said, "Japanese will no 
longer shy away from carrying out overseas activities involving the 
SDF," underscoring Japan's commitment to Afghanistan. 
 
But the Defense Ministry is void of any moves to consider sending 
troops to Afghanistan. A GSDF officer predicted: "Situated inland, 
engaging in refueling operations in Afghanistan would be difficult. 
The security situation in that country is also deteriorating. The 
government will probably not send troops there." 
 
Lawmakers reportedly have listened to what uniformed officers said 
from an awareness of a lack of military common sense that exists. 
 
(3) Japan's diplomacy toward DPRK: Japan needs to shift to 
engagement policy, Hajime Izumi says 
 
YOMIURI (Page 13) (Full) 
August 21, 2007 
 
Interview with Hajime Izumi, professor at University of Shizuoka 
 
Interviewer: Keiichiro U 
 
-- The Korean Peninsula situation has begun to move. What is your 
view about this? 
 
Izumi: A kind of trust relationship is emerging between the United 
States and North Korea. The Bush administration has begun to cut a 
deal with North Korea. Apparently, the US wants to get concrete 
progress and results regarding the nuclear issue by the 2008 
presidential election in November. North Korea's concern is that it 
may have to toe the mark again if nothing is settled while the 
(Bush) administration is in office. There seems to be an agreement 
in this sense between the US and North Korea. 
 
-- What forced the US to switch its policy toward the North? 
 
Izumi: I think it is because it was shocked by the North's nuclear 
test last October. The US fears that nuclear weapons may fall into 
the hands of terrorists like al-Qaeda. The US may think that if no 
action is taken, that fear could come true. The US is therefore 
doing all it can to put an end to the North's production of 
plutonium and get it to disclose all the plutonium it possesses. 
 
-- What is the objective of North Korea? 
 
Izumi: Although it may be difficult to reach the point of 
normalizing diplomatic ties under the Bush administration, the North 
Koreans want to pave the way with preliminary steps in that 
direction. They are first aiming at North Korea being removed from 
the list of states that sponsor terrorism. Next, they would insist 
that their country be dropped from the list of hostile states under 
the Trade Act once the ending of the Korean War is confirmed. In 
order for North Korea's current political system to survive, it is 
 
TOKYO 00003865  004 OF 012 
 
 
necessary for the North to be allowed access to the international 
economic system, including the international financial system. The 
North would also call for the establishment of liaison offices in 
both the US and the North, as well as the construction of a light 
water reactor to secure energy. 
 
-- What is your view about the ongoing move for holding an 
inter-Korean summit? 
 
Izumi: This came up because Pyongyang is thinking about the 
presidential election this December in South Korea. Pyongyang 
apparently thinks (a summit) would have a favorable effect on the 
presidential race. It deems it necessary for the South to continue 
to have a ruling party-affiliated government with its so-called 
sunshine policy over the next five years after President Roh Moo 
Hyun steps down. If a conciliatory government toward North Korea is 
established in South Korea, this would give the North diplomatic 
leeway when it starts dealing with the US and Japan. The keyword for 
the planned inter-Korean summit is "peace." The North in some way or 
the other will likely declare mutual nonaggression between two 
Koreas and peaceful coexistence, and may try to use the declaration 
as a basis for creating a permanent peace mechanism to be discussed 
by four countries -- two Koreas, the US, and China -- in the 
future. 
 
-- Given this, Japan has fallen behind in its approach toward North 
Korea. 
 
Izumi: Japan needs to shift to an engagement policy toward the 
North. Japan should announce it is ready to negotiate with it. The 
term "negotiate" in this regard implies Japan is willing to cut a 
deal with the North. Japan also needs to be ready to reward the 
North if it does something that will benefit Japan. In negotiations 
with the North Koreans, Japan should comprehensively discuss the 
issues of abductions, and nuclear and missile development and aim to 
resolve those three issues. This approach is not a new one. Japan 
has insisted since the days of Prime Minister Koizumi that 
diplomatic normalization between Japan and North Korea will not come 
unless those three issues are resolved. However, the question is the 
yardstick for us to think those issues are resolved has not yet been 
made clear. 
 
-- What do you think is the yardstick? 
 
Izumi: When it comes to the nuclear issue, if "complete abandonment" 
comes, that would be seen as the issue being resolved. On the 
missile issue, Japan should pressure the North to dismantle 
ballistic missiles with the range of 500 or more kilometers so that 
not only Rodong and Taepodong missiles that can reach Japan but also 
Taepodong 2 missiles that can reach the US will be included. The US 
would move to negotiate with the North if Japan strongly urges the 
US to do so. Japan can take the lead in negotiations over this 
missile area. On the abduction issue, Japan until now has insisted 
that (1) all surviving abductees should be returned to Japan; (2) 
the truth should be elucidated, and (3) suspects should be handed 
over to Japan. But unless the truth is hunted for, how many 
abductees are still alive will remain unclear, thereby the issue 
remains unresolved. Japan could open the way for the North Koreans 
to respond to negotiations with it if it calls for comprehensively 
resolving those three issues. 
 
(4) Daring prediction -- 2007 reversal of power in Upper House (1): 
 
TOKYO 00003865  005 OF 012 
 
 
Fate of the Abe administration 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
August 21, 2007 
 
By Tatsuki Kanei 
 
The outlook in the political circles is becoming increasingly 
unclear after the reversal of power between the ruling and 
opposition camps in the Upper House.  How will the political 
situation unfold after a change in the power balance between the 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and 
the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) under party head Ichiro Ozawa? 
What developments will take place regarding pending policy issues 
under a "distorted situation at the Diet"?  Here is a daring 
prediction by Tokyo Shimbun political department's front-line 
reporter. 
 
Question:  It appears that Prime Minister Abe is under enormous 
pressure because he is staying in power despite the defeat in the 
Upper House race. 
 
Answer: Procedure wise, there is no problem about his staying in 
power.  However, it is certainly difficult to understand why he does 
not take responsibility for the crushing defeat.  The LDP is filled 
with pent-up feelings, and the people must be feeling the same way. 
 
Cabinet reshuffle to bring about a change of public feeling 
 
Q: The cabinet approval rating is floundering in the 20 percent 
range.  Will there be a chance for it to rise again? 
 
A: There are hardly any administrations that resuscitated once the 
public gave up on it.  Unfavorable things continued to take place 
even after the recent Upper House election, including the dismissal 
of farm minister Norihiko Akagi and a slapstick comedy regarding the 
appointment of a new vice defense minister.  Presenting a fresh 
cabinet by shuffling the cabinet on 27 August may be the final 
chance for the Abe administration. 
 
Q: What approach will Prime Minister Abe take in shuffling his 
cabinet? 
 
A: Because he has been indicating that he will shuffle the cabinet 
to bring about a change in public feeling, it may safely be said 
that almost all of the ministers will be replaced.  But I wonder if 
that is sufficient. 
 
Q: What do you mean by that? 
 
A: Some LDP lawmakers think that joining the Abe cabinet is like 
boarding a sinking ship. 
 
In addition, some lawmakers are worried that they, too. might have 
to face a "politics and money" scandal, similar to the one that 
involved Akagi.  Many lawmakers think that it is better to "pass" on 
the upcoming shuffle, rather than risk damaging their political 
careers. 
 
Q: What should the prime minister do to form a new cabinet that can 
elicit positive public reactions? 
 
 
TOKYO 00003865  006 OF 012 
 
 
A: He should even appoint people who were critical of him.  He 
should avoid coming up with a lineup that will be evaluated as the 
"cabinet of friends."  Frankly speaking, the focus of the reshuffle 
is whether the prime minister will appoint such lawmakers as former 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda and Upper House lawmaker Yoichi 
Masuzoe, who repeatedly made critical comments about the prime 
minister. 
 
Q: Will there be surprising appointments similar to the ones which 
former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi made? 
 
A: Prime Minister Abe does not favor appointing lawmakers no one 
expected just for the sake of doing something different, although 
everybody may say, "Wow," if the prime minister goes as far as 
appointing former Prime Minister Koizumi.  Mind you, Koizumi will 
never accept a request to join the new cabinet. 
 
A Brake 
 
Q: If the prime minister fails to score points by reshuffling the 
cabinet, the only step left for him to take is to regain public 
trust through policies. 
 
A: The prime minister is well aware of that.  He is desperate to 
improve the situation.  However, he will have to carry out 
"exclusively defense-oriented" administrative management for the 
time being because he will be faced with an offensive by the DPJ. 
 
Q: Prime Minister Abe is closely associated with constitutional 
revision. 
 
A: But it will be difficult to push that forward.   Constitutional 
revision requires an approval of the two-thirds of lawmakers in both 
chambers of the Diet.  However, because of the defeat in the Upper 
House election, it is even more difficult now to attain the 
"two-thirds."  There is no longer any hope for the Diet to initiate 
constitutional revision in 2010 as the LDP hopes. 
 
Q: The prime minister was making a strong effort on educational 
reform as well. 
 
A:  Yes.  The Education Rebuilding Council is scheduled to release 
its third report in December, but this reform plan is also expected 
to slow down. 
 
Q: Why is that? 
 
A: The centerpiece of the report will be the introduction of the 
education voucher system.  Under the system, a student can choose a 
school to attend and submit to the school a voucher provided by the 
local government. 
 
Q:  But is it not good for students to have a broader variety of 
schools to choose? 
 
A: The system is good for students in the urban area.  However, 
students in provinces do not have as many choices.  Given the fact 
that anger at "the abandonment of the provinces" was expressed in 
the Upper House election, it will be difficult for the government to 
take policies that will further widen disparities between the urban 
area and the provinces. 
 
 
TOKYO 00003865  007 OF 012 
 
 
Q: What are the Abe administration's other policies? 
 
A: The Abe administration will continue to work strenuously on the 
pension issue and the reform of the public servant system.  In these 
fields, however, the DPJ, which is backed by "numerical strength," 
will submit counterproposals one after another.  Therefore, the 
administration is expected to make compromises in some cases. 
 
A Dilemma 
 
Q: Then, the Abe administration will not be able to express its 
unique character. 
 
A:  That is right.  Since the defeat in the Upper House race, Prime 
Minister Abe has been saying that he will "reconsider what I need to 
reconsider."  However, if he reconsiders and changes the "beautiful 
country" line and policies to "break away from the post-war regime," 
there will be little reason for the Abe administration to continue 
existing. 
 
Q: So, that is a dilemma the Abe administration is faced with. 
 
A: The prime minister needs to urgently break that situation and end 
the doldrums.  If LDP lawmakers judge that "it will not be possible 
to fight the Lower House election under the Abe administration," an 
attack to remove Abe will be launched at once. 
 
Upcoming Political Events 
 
August 
21 Defense Minister Yuriko Koike's visits to India and Pakistan 
(until August 25) 
22 Japan-India summit 
      Bank of Japan Policy Board meeting 
24 Japan-Malaysia summit 
      Prime Minister Abe's news conference 
25 Prime Minister Abe returns home 
27 The reshuffle of the Cabinet and LDP executives 
28 Joint ceremony for late former Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa 
 
September 
  8 The summit of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) 
in Sydney 
      (until September 9) 
18 A UN General Assembly session to start 
 
Mid-September? 
An extraordinary Diet session to be convened. 
 
November 
  1 The anti-terrorism special measures law to expire 
  ? An experts' panel is planned to release the final report on the 
exercising of the right 
      To collective self-defense 
 
December 
The Education Rebuilding Council to release the third report 
 
(5) Fate of WTO Doha Round 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 9) (Full) 
August 21, 2007 
 
TOKYO 00003865  008 OF 012 
 
 
 
The Doha Round of global trade talks under the World Trade 
Organization (WTO) will resume negotiations in September, with the 
aim of reaching an agreement by the end of the year. Discussion will 
be conducted with a focus on reducing tariffs on agricultural 
products. But it seems difficult to reach a conclusion because of 
the conflict of interests existing among member countries. 
 
WTO tasked with settling trade disputes 
 
The WTO is an organization tasked with making trade rules and 
mediating disputes. When the Great Depression took place in 1929, 
countries erected the wall of tariffs to protect their economies 
from being affected by the depression. Such protective efforts, 
though, worked negatively and resulted in destabilizing the world 
economy, forming a remote cause of World War II. Out of reflection 
on this, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the 
predecessor of the WTO, was established in 1948. 
 
After joining the GATT in 1955, Japan achieved economic development 
by exporting automobiles and electrical equipment under the 
free-trade system. 
 
In 1995, the GATT was reorganized into the WTO. At present, 151 
countries and regions are members of the WTO. The organization 
produced results in reducing tariffs, establishing rules, and 
protecting intellectual property. Meanwhile, many cases have been 
brought into the WTO for dispute settlement. 
 
Countries studying chairmen's proposals, aiming at concluding 
negotiations this year 
 
In each round, members set a deadline and draw up trade rules. Nine 
rounds of talks, including the current Doha Round, were held so far. 
The focus of discussion in the first six rounds was on tariffs. 
Starting in the 7th round, the member countries discussed such 
non-tariff barriers as state subsidies and import procedures. In the 
previous Uruguay Round (1986 - 1994), Japan was pressured to decide 
to open up its rice market. 
 
The ongoing round, which started in November 2001, marks the 7th 
year this year. But the meeting among the United States, the 
European Union (EU), Brazil, and India ended in rupture in June. 
Since then, the stage of negotiations has been moved to plenary 
meetings. For now, the member countries are studying the proposals 
for agreement presented on July 17 by the chairmen of talks on the 
agriculture and industrial areas. They will resume negotiations on 
Sept. 3, with the aim of agreeing on details within this year. 
 
Japan makes own assertions 
 
In the agricultural area, the Japanese government cannot easily make 
concessions, because if low-priced farm products flow into the 
nation, domestic farmers will receive a serious blow. 
 
Japan has insisted that high tariffs should be allowed for "up to 15 
PERCENT  (200 items)" of all products. But the chairman's proposal 
set the maximum percent at "6 PERCENT  (about 60 items)." In this 
case, it will become impossible for Japan to protect its all 
mainstay products - rice, wheat, dairy products, and sugar. An 
official of the Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Ministry said: 
"We would like to proceed with negotiations, focusing on 8 PERCENT 
 
TOKYO 00003865  009 OF 012 
 
 
." 
 
The chairman's proposal calls on industrialized countries and 
developing countries to reduce their import tariffs to up to 8-9 
percent and up to 19-23 percent, respectively. There is a difference 
of more than 10 PERCENT  between both sides. As said by an official 
of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), Japan will 
continue to assert: "Developing countries should reduce 
coefficient." 
 
It is not easy to conclude the talks in plenary meetings now that 
many countries' interests are complicatedly involved. Many observers 
presume that if an agreement is not reached by the end of this year, 
a settlement of the talks might become hopeless because the US will 
lose bargaining power, with the presidential elections scheduled for 
next year. 
 
In such a case, countries may begin to pour their energy into making 
bilateral or regional trade rules, such as free trade agreements 
(FTA) - designed to remove trade barriers with specific countries or 
regions - and economic partnership agreements (EPA) that would set 
rules on investment protection, in addition to trade. Japan started 
late, so whether Japan will be able to make a roll back hinges on 
whether it will be able to strengthen economic partnerships in East 
Asia. 
 
(6) New Komeito head Ota in interview stresses placing more 
importance on daily lives of ordinary people than on constitutional 
amendments 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
August 21, 2007 
 
-- Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has stayed on in office, although the 
ruling coalition suffered a crushing defeat in the July House of 
Councillors election. There are views expressing dissatisfaction 
with it in the ruling coalition. 
 
Ota: I think a majority of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 
members probably support the prime minister's decision. I do say 
what I should say. But I basically support his continuance in 
premiership. 
 
-- Prime Minister Abe has advocated his policy of breaking with the 
postwar regime and has been enthusiastic about constitutional 
reform. 
 
Ota: The people are more interested in how to deal with a drastic 
change in society than constitutional amendments. 
 
-- Do you mean that priority was placed on the daily lives of 
ordinary people rather than on amending Article 9 of the 
Constitution? 
 
Ota: Absolutely right. Pushing ahead with constitutional debate 
without making any fuss is the role of politicians. I think, 
however, public opinion in the recent Upper House was that politics 
should give more consideration to the daily lives of people. We 
should carry out constitutional debate in a calm manner based on the 
timetable we have set. There is no need for us to feel pressured to 
do something. 
 
 
TOKYO 00003865  010 OF 012 
 
 
-- It seems that the New Komeito's effort to play up its political 
identity was a little weak. 
 
Ota: We have two challenges -- one being to promote the party's 
presence and the other strengthening the coalition government. Since 
we are required to do both, we must say what we have to say. 
 
-- The prime minister will shuffle the cabinet and the LDP executive 
on Aug. 27. Do you have any requests? 
 
Ota: The prime minister must restore public confidence. It's not 
good that cabinet ministers make controversial remarks in 
succession. Unless he puts competent persons in cabinet posts, he 
won't be able to gain confidence. 
 
-- The fall extraordinary session of the Die will deal with a bill 
to extend the Antiterrorism Special Measures Law. Democratic Party 
of Japan (DPJ) President Ichiro Ozawa clearly expressed to US 
Ambassador to Japan Thomas Schieffer his party's opposition to an 
extension of to an extension of the law. 
 
Ota: Since it's extremely important issue, deep discussion is 
necessary in the ruling camp. We need to discuss the issue at an 
appropriate time with the DPJ. We will face various scenes. 
 
-- The number of the LDP and New Komeito members is a short of 
majority in the Upper House. 
 
Ota: At the extraordinary Diet session in 1998, in which 
deliberations were carried out on bills related to financial issues, 
then DPJ President Naoto Kan's stance of avoiding Lower House 
dissolution was great. Mr. Ozawa, however, might try to do so. I 
think if he says that he will take responsibility to evade such, he 
will then be able to have the reins of government. 
 
-- The New Komeito was Ozawa's partner when he headed the defunct 
New Frontier Party. How do you assess Ozawa now? 
 
Ota: I think he was a person who is capable of addressing issues. 
However, there are differences in his views when he headed the NFP 
and that of now. I feel something is wrong. 
 
-- There is a view that if a scandal involving a cabinet minister 
after the extra session convenes, the Abe administration will 
completely die. 
 
Ota: Making mistakes in policy and in words and deeds is no longer 
unforgivable. The cabinet ministers must fulfill their duties with a 
sense of urgency. 
 
-- When do you think the Lower House will be dissolved? 
 
Ota: It is important to take a certain period of time between the 
Upper House election and the Lower House one. The next Lower House 
election should be conducted one year from now. I think the election 
will be held after the G-8 summit in Hokkaido next summer. 
 
(Corrected copy) Editorial: Prime Minister Abe must use caution in 
discussing late Judge Pal 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
August 18, 2007 
 
TOKYO 00003865  011 OF 012 
 
 
 
During his overseas trip from August 19 that will take him to India, 
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is scheduled to meet with the son of the 
late Radhabinod Pal, who served as a judge at the Tokyo War Crimes 
Tribunal (International Military Tribunal for the Far East). 
 
Pal was the only judge at the tribunal that took the dissenting view 
that all of Japan's 25 Class-A war criminals, including former Prime 
Minister Hideki Tojo, were not guilty. 
 
Pal's question about the legitimacy of the Allied trials stuck a 
chord with the Japanese people, who were crushed by a sense of 
defeat. He has been idolized by some as the only judge who found 
Japan not guilty. 
 
After the war, Pal was often invited to visit Japan. Tokyo decorated 
him with the First Order of Merit with the Grand Cordon of the 
Rising Sun during his last visit to Japan, which was made possible 
by then Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi, the grandfather of Prime 
Minister Abe. 
 
About his planned meeting with the son of the late Judge Pal, Abe 
said: "Judge Pal was closely associated with Japan. I am looking 
forward to seeing his son to learn about his father." The story is 
not that simple. 
 
The international community has been gazing coldly at Japan because 
of the former Imperial Japanese Army's involvement with the 
comfort-women issue, as well as prime ministerial visits to Yasukuni 
Shrine. Abe's meeting might end up sending out a message of 
rejecting the results of the international tribunal and Japan's 
wartime responsibility. 
 
The sense of distrust in Abe comes from his reluctance to accept the 
results of the tribunal. Soon after assuming office, Prime Minister 
Abe used diplomatic language at the Diet, saying: "In terms of 
country-to-country relations, I am not in a position to object to 
the result of the tribunal." 
 
Views are still split over the results of the tribunal. Such 
concepts as a "crime against peace" and a "crime against humanity" 
were established after the war's end, and the United States, a 
victor of the war, was not tried for dropping atomic bomb on Japan. 
At the same time, massacres and conspiracies by the Imperial 
Japanese Army came to light for the first time. The tribunal also 
served as a milestone for establishing international law on war. 
 
Although the tribunal had both good and bad aspects, there is no 
doubt that Japan was allowed to rejoin the international community 
because it accepted the verdict. That was Japan's way of bringing 
the war to closure. Political leaders must always keep that in 
mind. 
 
It is also noteworthy that some Japanese have taken Pal's view to 
serve their own interests. Specifically, some conservatives have 
taken it to mean that Japan was free from war responsibility. 
 
Pal's view was that under the international law at the time, Japan 
could not be held responsible for the war of aggression. At the same 
time, he harshly criticized the Imperial Japanese Army for the 
Nanjing Massacre and other incidents. The judge held Japan morally 
instead of legally responsible. 
 
TOKYO 00003865  012 OF 012 
 
 
 
Ashis Nandy, an Indian political psychologist and sociologist of 
science who knew Pal personally, strongly warned against using Pal 
to justify Japanese militarism. 
 
Is Prime Minister Abe aware of Judge Pal's overall view? He must 
abstain from partially discussing Pal's views with his son. 
 
MESERVE