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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 003783 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/16/07-1 
 
 
Index: 
 
(1) Pros and cons of prime minister's visits to Yasukuni Shrine 
split the religious vote in last Upper House election 
 
(2) What to do about structural reforms: "Revision is needed," urge 
Mori and others; Junior LDP members concerned about reform drive 
retreating 
 
(3) Interview with LDP Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Toshihiro 
Nikai: Ruling party must reach out to opposition 
 
(4) Interview with State Minister in Charge of Administrative and 
Regulatory Reforms Yoshimi Watanabe: Ruling and opposition parties 
must debate, find "landing site" 
 
(5) Interview with former DPJ Policy Research Committee Chair 
Yoshito Sengoku: Ozawa should make clear that he wants in order to 
be prime minister 
 
(6) DPJ to aim at obtaining single majority: Making efforts to form 
joint parliamentary group in bid to solidify its foothold to realize 
prior consideration by Upper House 
 
(7) Toshinori Shigeie picked ambassador to South Korea 
 
(8) What is behind Abe's plan to meet son of war tribunal judge Pal 
despite possible reactions from US, Asia 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Pros and cons of prime minister's visits to Yasukuni Shrine 
split the religious vote in last Upper House election 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
August 15, 2007 
 
Prior to the anniversary of the end of the war on Aug. 15, the moves 
of religious groups in connection with the July Upper House election 
have been active. While Shinto-related religious groups have been 
urging Prime Minister Abe to visit Yasukuni Shrine to pay homage to 
the war dead on Aug. 15, Buddhists and other religious organization 
sent letters to the prime minister and cabinet members urging 
self-constraint on paying homage at Yasukuni Shrine. With the 
weakening of such organized support groups as the construction 
industry, the existence of religious groups with their 
vote-mobilization capability has steadily taken on increasing 
importance. 
 
The Bussho Gonenkai Kyodan (membership of approximately 550,000 
households), which has been urging the prime minister to officially 
pay homage at Yasukuni Shrine, supported two incumbent Liberal 
Democratic Party (LDP) candidates in the proportional representation 
segment of the House of Councillors' election. It linked with the 
Nihon Izoku-kai (Japan Association of Bereaved Families of the War 
Dead) to enhance its ability to gather votes. A source in the Kyodan 
stressed: "The proper activity of religious associations is to back 
established political parties." 
 
Seiichi Eto, the postal rebel who had once left the LDP but was 
restored to the party prior to the Upper House election, received 
the recommendation of the conservative group, Nippon Kaigi (Japan 
 
TOKYO 00003783  002 OF 011 
 
 
Conference), which advocates the drafting of an independent 
constitution for Japan and the realization of official visits to 
Yasukuni Shrine by prime ministers. He also received support from a 
number of religious associations affiliated with the Nippon Kaigi. 
A source at one of those religious groups expressed its hopes: "Our 
chance came with the presence of Abe as prime minister. His thinking 
is close to ours, so we could jointly fall into step." 
 
On the other hand, Shinshuren or the Alliance of New Religious 
Organizations, which consists of 69 Buddhist-affiliated sects, 
issued an opinion paper on Aug. 9 calling on the prime minister and 
his cabinet not to pay homage at Yasukuni Shrine. "The government 
should strictly refrain from involvement with specific religious 
facilities," the paper warned. It was presented to the government 
through the LDP. The same day, the paper went to the DPJ, as well. 
 
Shinshuren in the Upper House election recommended two fresh 
candidates running from the DPJ in the proportional representation 
segment. In the Tokyo metropolitan area, it allocated some of its 
members' votes to the incumbent LDP candidate, as well. 
 
In the district races, Shinshuren established its own criteria and 
recommended over 30 candidates from both the LDP and DPJ, based on 
the principle that it should not fall under one party or political 
group in accordance with freedom of religion and the separation of 
church and state. 
 
The trigger for many religious associations to have strengthened 
their ties to politics has been the Yasukuni Shrine issue. In the 
1960s and '70s, a movement developed led by the Nippon Izokukai 
(Japan Association of the Bereaved Families of the War Dead), a 
political support organization of the LDP, to return Yasukuni Shrine 
under state control (like before the war), and the LDP even 
presented a bill to the Diet aimed at state protection for the 
shrine. This movement was sharply opposed by Buddhist-related 
religious associations and other religious groups, resulting in the 
bill being scrapped. 
 
As a source in one affiliated organization noted, Shinshuren 
positioned the trend at that time this way: "By our involvement in 
politics, we forced the scrapping of the bill. That was our biggest 
accomplishment in the past." The movement to obtain state protection 
for Yasukuni collapsed, and the focus of efforts by the group that 
had promoted such turned to bringing about prime ministerial visits 
to the shrine. But when opinion divided on that issue, a group 
emerged even in Shinshuren calling for withdrawal from that 
organization. 
 
In the late 1990s, the Komeito (the party is now called New Komeito) 
received support of its sole religious supporter, the Soka Gakkai, 
and joined the ruling coalition with the LDP.  However, within that 
religious organization, there seems to have been doubts about 
stances to take toward the administration. Nevertheless, since the 
party relied on the religious organization for getting out the vote, 
the political ties of that religious organization never weakened. 
 
A senior official of the Shinto Seiji Renmei (Shinto Political 
Federation) stated: "For Shinto circles to achieve its goals, there 
are many cases where we have had to be concerned with laws. It is 
necessary to build strong channels to the Diet." 
 
(2) What to do about structural reforms: "Revision is needed," urge 
 
TOKYO 00003783  003 OF 011 
 
 
Mori and others; Junior LDP members concerned about reform drive 
retreating 
 
YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full) 
August 16, 2007 
 
In connection with a cabinet reshuffle and the changing of the 
lineup of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) executive expected to 
take place on Aug. 27, what direction the structural reforms will 
take has become an issue. Following the crushing defeat of the 
ruling camp, veteran lawmakers have begun calling for a revision of 
the reform policy line adopted during the Koizumi administration. 
Junior lawmakers, however, are opposed to any notion of revising the 
existing line. Prime Minister Abe, who wants to regain public 
support, as well as to restore order to the government and the 
ruling camp, is under pressure to make a difficult decision. 
 
Voices calling for a revision of the reform policy have begun 
gaining ground right after the LDP defeat in the Upper House 
election and erupted at bloc-by-bloc hearings of views held by the 
LDP Upper House election overview committee, which started on Aug. 
¶7. Former Home Affairs Minister Takeshi Noda noted: "The government 
has lacked consideration for the socially vulnerable in terms of 
medical services and social security. If the structural reforms are 
carried out in the name of the continuation of the reform drive and 
the creation of a small government, they will be further 
impoverished." Former MEXT Minister Kenji Kosaka said, "The 
government has to come up with a stance of listening to the voices 
of people in the rural districts, farmers and medium and small 
business operators more carefully." In response to such views, 
former Prime Minister Mori, who is viewed as a guardian of the prime 
minister during an interview with the Yomiuri Shimbun on Aug. 10 
urged the government to shift the focus of key policy themes, 
noting, "Policy themes closely related to people's lives should be 
adopted." 
 
Those who voiced such a view were mainly senior and mid-level 
lawmakers. They seem to think that the LDP used to obtain support 
because it widely absorbed the views of people in rural districts. 
The structural reform policy, including the introduction of the 
market principles promoted by one time Internal Affairs and 
Communications Minister Heizo Takenaka during the Koizumi 
administration should be changed quickly." 
 
In contrast, many junior party members are concerned about such a 
move with one noting, "If the image of the party spreads that it is 
retreating from reform, people would think that the party has 
transformed itself back to its former self. Should that occur, we 
would suffer a major setback in the Lower House election."  The 
Dietmembers' Caucus for Reform Expedition consisting of junior and 
mid-ranking lawmakers on August 8 held a meeting at the party 
headquarters. Former State Minister for Declining Birthrate Kuniko 
Inoguchi during the meeting noted, "A mistaken conclusion is being 
reached that the cause of the defeat of the LDP in the Upper House 
election was the Koizumi reform line." 
 
Former Prime Minister Koizumi, who paved the way for the reform 
policy, has encouraged Prime Minister Abe, noting, "Reform cannot be 
achieved if the prime minister is replaced in a year or two. The 
prime minister should carry out reform to realize what the people 
expect him to do without being bothered by an election." 
 
 
TOKYO 00003783  004 OF 011 
 
 
Abe approved budget request guidelines for the fiscal 2008 budget, 
which inherited the Koizumi administration's fiscal reconstruction 
policy, dismissing pressure from the party that public works in 
rural districts should be boosted to correct social disparities. 
However, following the crushing defeat of the ruling bloc in the 
July Upper House election, Abe started to waver, telling an aide, "I 
wonder if the people might be tired of reform." 
 
The prime minister's future policy on the policy issue will be 
reflected in the upcoming cabinet reshuffle and party executive 
selections. 
 
During an interview on Aug. 10, former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori 
indicated his readiness to approve a possible appointment of Taro 
Aso as secretary general, saying, "Foreign Minister Aso supported my 
view that a policy attaching importance to rural district should be 
adopted." He also revealed that he advised the prime minister that 
he should appoint to key posts former Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo 
Fukuda, who has been distancing himself from Abe, and former Finance 
Minister Sadakazu Tanigaki. 
 
If the prime minister follows Mori's advice, he would be judged as 
having not only revised the reform policy line but also as having 
made concessions to the party side. Should that happen, he would 
lose more public support. In the meantime, Mori has a major impact 
in achieving intra-party appeasement, because he has channels with 
senior members of various factions. All eyes will now be on what 
judgments the prime minister will reach on Aug. 27. 
 
(3) Interview with LDP Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Toshihiro 
Nikai: Ruling party must reach out to opposition 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
August 16, 2007 
 
-- One of the major reasons for the Liberal Democratic Party's big 
loss in the Upper House election was the inappropriate statements 
and money scandals surrounding cabinet members such as former 
Agricultural Minister Norihiko Akagi. 
 
I must admit that while working on Diet affairs, (every time a new 
scandal came out) we would say to ourselves, "Here's another one." 
We suffered through it without a word, but it was just too much. 
Although our policies were meant to help, there were aspects that 
people did not fully understand. Right now, it is as if we are in a 
burnt field. We have no choice but to make efforts so we can show 
people a rejuvenated LDP. 
 
-- The LDP had enjoyed heavy support in the single-seat districts 
until now. But this time, LDP candidates lost across the board in 
those same single-seat districts. Is this a revolt by voters tired 
of social disparity and problems with bread-and-butter issues? 
 
It probably is a revolt. It is not that voters really support other 
parties. They wanted to make the LDP reflect on its actions. But it 
is important that we recover from this shock quickly without 
panicking. In the 1998 Upper House election, the LDP won 3 races and 
lost 23 in the single-seat districts. However in the Upper House 
election three years later, we made a big comeback. We must actively 
seek out the opinions and requests of the regions. 
 
-- Criticism has been mounting towards Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's 
 
TOKYO 00003783  005 OF 011 
 
 
decision to stay in office not just from the voters, but also from 
within the LDP. 
 
It is important for LDP members to stick together and support the 
prime minister. We cannot afford to drag our feet. It is easy to 
criticize. However in last year's LDP presidential election, we 
overwhelmingly supported Abe, so the blame falls on the LDP Diet 
members nationwide. Criticism alone will not move us forward. 
 
-- What is important in the upcoming reorganization of the cabinet 
and the LDP executive posts? 
 
Party unity is always important. The prime minister/LDP President 
has the power to make personnel choices, and we shouldn't be making 
comments from the sidelines. The prime minister should take decisive 
action after careful consideration. We should not constrict him with 
conditions. 
 
-- The opposition parties have made Diet operations very difficult. 
 
There is no magical solution. We will approach them with sincerity 
and cordiality. 
 
The extension of the Anti-Terrorism Special Measures Law, which is 
set to expire on November 1, fits into the idea of both the ruling 
and opposition parties feel that "the fight against terrorism is the 
most important issue for the international community." The ruling 
party must center all its efforts on convincing (the opposition 
parties) to agree to the extension. 
 
-- There are predictions that the ruling party will face gridlock in 
Diet discussions. 
 
We are not planning to take things easy by relying on the option of 
returning bills to the Lower House and getting them passed there. 
Even if the DPJ issues a series of censure motions, the people are 
watching. In order to increase government productivity, we must 
cooperate where cooperation is needed and revise when revisions must 
be made. The ruling party must take the initiative in creating lots 
of opportunities for both sides to talk. For this reason, the Diet 
session will probably be longer than usual. 
 
-- Isn't DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa trying to force an early 
dissolution of the Lower House and a presidential election? 
 
I wonder if the Japanese people will support that. The effects of 
the "Lost Decade" (TN: the "Lost Decade" refers to the period of 
prolonged economic stagnation during the 1990s following the burst 
of the bubble economy) can still be felt in the regions, in small 
and mid-sized companies and in the agricultural sector. It is 
important for both the ruling and opposition parties to introduce 
policies to deal with these problems. Now that they have earned a 
majority in the Upper House, the opposition parties have greater 
political responsibility. Even the DPJ cannot conduct Diet business 
in the same way that they had before. 
 
-- When do you think the next Lower House election will be? 
 
I don't see any reason to hurry. 
 
(4) Interview with State Minister in Charge of Administrative and 
Regulatory Reforms Yoshimi Watanabe: Ruling and opposition parties 
 
TOKYO 00003783  006 OF 011 
 
 
must debate, find "landing site" 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) 
August 16, 2007 
 
-- The Democratic Party of Japan has seized control of the Upper 
House. 
 
"We must decide whether to simply respond to the current political 
situation or to take this as the first step towards Japan's future 
democratic maturation. We are at a fork in the road. If we just 
respond to the political situation, the "Lost Decade" might return. 
(TN: the "Lost Decade" refers to the period of prolonged economic 
stagnation during the 1990s following the burst of the bubble 
economy)" 
 
-- There was a similar situation in 1998 (when the ruling party at 
the time lost its majority in the Upper House). As a member of a new 
generation of policymakers, you moved to cooperate with the 
opposition on policy during the "financial Diet session." (TN: the 
"financial Diet session" refers to the 79-day extra Diet session 
held to deal with a banking crisis and to split the Finance 
Ministry.) 
 
"It wasn't the best situation, but it was better than doing nothing 
and inducing a systemic risk (such as the successive bankruptcies of 
banking institutions). This time, we are not in emergency mode as we 
were in 1998, but if we go in the wrong direction with our national 
strategies and lean towards big government and socialist policies, 
Japan will become a third-rate Asian country." 
 
-- The DPJ is thinking about reintroducing a bill to stem the 
practice of "amakudari." (TN: a system where senior bureaucrats 
retire to cushy executive positions in the private sector.) How will 
you respond? 
 
"A revised bill regarding civil servants has been drafted and has 
entered the next phase. I would like the ruling and opposition 
parties to have a constructive debate and find a landing site. Many 
DPJ Diet members have come forth with progressive arguments 
regarding the political appointment (of civil servants) that are 
worth a closer look. I want to have discussions filled with 
forward-looking ideas. There is room in our discussions to consider 
transitionally placing restrictions on "amakudari" in independent 
administrative agencies (as well as national civil servants)." 
 
-- The DPJ has criticized the public-private human resources 
exchange center (proposed in the LDP's "amakudari" bill) as being an 
"amakudari bank." 
 
"The human resources exchange center is meant to take over job 
assistance services that the ministries now provide but this 
function will eventually come to an end. We will discuss whether the 
center will have a sunset clause (shut down after a certain amount 
of time) or whether it will be given other tasks and remain 
active." 
 
-- What do you think would be a good way for the ruling and 
opposition parties to cooperate? 
 
"The Diet is the frontline. The chairpersons of each Diet committee 
would assume the responsibility of aiming for cooperation on policy 
 
TOKYO 00003783  007 OF 011 
 
 
and not just on Diet affairs. It is necessary to place people 
well-versed in policy in important positions. People who are already 
serving in a government post, such as vice ministers or political 
advisors, can double as committee chairs." 
 
(5) Interview with former DPJ Policy Research Committee Chair 
Yoshito Sengoku: Ozawa should make clear that he wants in order to 
be prime minister 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
August 16, 2007 
 
-- What is the opinion of the public, as demonstrated by the results 
of the recent Upper House election? 
 
"Voters felt a lot of uncertainty over the Abe administration's 
plans for the future of the country. The administration's response 
to the problems of the Social Insurance Agency is a great example of 
the Abe administration's lack of experience, and the voters 
instinctively picked up on that. 
 
-- Yet Abe decided to remain in office. 
 
"(His decision) will probably end up destroying the Liberal 
Democratic Party. There is a chance that the functions of government 
will be negatively affected and that bad things will happen. The 
markets of both the US and Japan are beginning to become turbulent. 
At a time when his ability to manage financial and economic crises 
is being questioned, how can Abe ignore criticisms and try to create 
another immature cabinet of friends?  If he does not quit soon, the 
Japanese people will experience an unhappy future." 
 
-- Wouldn't that be a plus for the DPJ? 
 
"There is a good chance that it would (be a plus) in the end, but is 
that good for the wellbeing of the people? A realignment of the 
political world or the restructuring of the administration is fine, 
but members of the LDP must also come out and say: "Let's think of a 
way to create a solid pension system. Let's rethink the shape of 
Japanese politics, including how to change the Constitution." 
 
-- The DPJ used to be called a motley collection of politicians but 
now it has gained unity. 
 
"This is because (DPJ President) Ozawa has decided to go for the 
goal - the post of prime minister. However it is unclear whether he 
really would become premier (if the DPJ gained administrative 
power). He has an absolute unifying force, so he should just make it 
clear. He must make sure that his supporters do not feel any 
uncertainty." 
 
-- On what should Ozawa be focusing? 
 
"He should create a system in which young people feel that they 
truly want to be part of. The worst thing (that DPJ members) can do 
is give up on debating the issues because Ozawa has made a decision 
'from above the clouds.'" 
 
(6) DPJ to aim at obtaining single majority: Making efforts to form 
joint parliamentary group in bid to solidify its foothold to realize 
prior consideration by Upper House 
 
 
TOKYO 00003783  008 OF 011 
 
 
YOMIURI (Page 4) (Slightly abridged) 
August 15, 2007 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) is making various 
approaches in a bid to obtain a majority in the Upper House on its 
own. It wants to completely secure leadership in the Upper House, a 
main battle field for it to attack the ruling parties, emerging from 
a situation where it falls short of a majority without cooperation 
from the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) and the Social Democratic 
Party (SDP). 
 
The DPJ forms a group called DPJ-Shinryokufukai in the Upper House 
with members with no party affiliation. The group has increased a 
membership to 112 with Toshiro Tomochika and Itsuki Toyama joining 
after the Upper House election. If seven JCP members and five from 
the Pro-Constitution Association are added, the DPJ could gain a 
majority of 122. However, it falls short of 10 seats to gain a 
majority on its own. 
 
The DPJ is aiming at gaining a single majority in the Upper House, 
because it wants to make sure that its prior consideration by the 
Upper House strategy succeeds, meaning that it submit its own bill 
to the Upper House and secures approval, thereby applying pressure 
on the ruling parties,. It is sounding out the possibility of 
forming a joint parliamentary group with the People's New Party 
(PNP), which has four seats, and the New Party Nippon (NPN) with one 
seat. It is also trying to bring non-affiliated lawmakers into the 
fold. 
 
The DPJ is giving priority to forming a joint parliamentary group 
with the PNP with four seats. In the extraordinary Diet session held 
after the Upper House election, it introduced a bill seeking a 
freeze on postal privatization jointly with the PNP, accepting its 
stance. Though the bill was scrapped, the DPJ plans to introduce it 
again in the next extraordinary Diet session. 
 
The PNP remains cautious about the idea with one senior member 
saying, "We are recognized and have presence, as we are a separate 
party from the DPJ. If we merge with the DPJ, our existence would be 
at stake." However, a senior DPJ official is set for continuing 
soliciting the PNP to form a joint parliamentary group with the DPJ, 
saying, "The PNP can maintain independence, if it remains separate 
in the Lower House. It can form a joint parliamentary group with the 
DPJ only in the Upper House." 
 
Yasuo Tanaka, head of the NPN and the only lawmaker in the party, 
elected in the Upper House election, does not belong to any group. 
When he met with DPJ head Ozawa on Aug. 2, he asked Ozawa, "If we 
were to form a parliamentary group, I would like to have an 
opportunity to ask questions at the Upper House Budget Committee." 
Since Ozawa understands his request, Tanaka could agree to form a 
joint parliamentary group with the DPJ in the next extraordinary 
Diet session. 
 
There are six Upper House members who do not belong to any group, 
aside from the president, the vice president and Tanaka. The DPJ 
intends to ask them to join its group. Of the six, Daito Matsuura, 
who ran in the July Upper House election supported by the LDP and 
was elected, expressed his will to join the DPJ group in the next 
extraordinary Diet session. However, the SDP chapter in Akita 
Prefecture, his home constituency, is opposing the idea. It is 
unlikely that other lawmakers will smoothly decided to join the DPJ 
 
TOKYO 00003783  009 OF 011 
 
 
group because of their policy stance and relations with other 
opposition parties. 
 
Some DPJ members take the view that if the DPJ forcibly tries to 
bring lawmakers who were elected, jointly supported by opposition 
parties, into the fold, it would leave a hard feeling and so, 
priority should be given to maintaining cooperative relationship in 
the run-up to the next Lower House election. 
 
(7) Toshinori Shigeie picked ambassador to South Korea 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Slightly abridged) 
August 8, 2007 
 
The government decided in a cabinet meeting on Aug. 7 to appoint a 
number of ambassadors, including Ambassador in charge Okinawan 
Affairs Toshinori Shigeie as ambassador to the Republic of Korea 
(ROK) and Ambassador to Laos Makoto Katsura as ambassador to the 
Philippines. The official announcements were made yesterday. 
 
Ambassador to the ROK Toshinori Shigeie: Graduated from Hitotsubashi 
University and entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) in 
1969; ambassador in charge of Okinawan affairs from March 2006 to 
Aug. 24, 2007, after serving in such posts as director general of 
the Middle Eastern and African Affairs Bureau; age 62. 
 
Ambassador to Bulgaria Tsuneharu Takeda: Graduated from Keio 
University and got hired by ITOCHU Co. in 1969; president of Central 
Engineering & Construction Co. from June 2005 through June 2007, 
after serving as ITOCHU board member in charge of the Kansai area; 
age 63. 
 
Ambassador to the Netherlands Minoru Shibuya: Graduated from the 
University of Tokyo and joined MOFA in 1970; chief of protocol since 
March 2005, after serving as ambassador to Pakistan and other posts; 
age 60. 
 
Ambassador to Panama Makoto Misawa: Graduated from the University of 
Tokyo and joined the then Construction Ministry in 1970; president 
of the Central Engineering and Construction Co. since November 2005, 
after serving in such posts as director general of the Housing 
Bureau; age 59. 
 
Ambassador to Kenya Shigeo Iwatani: Graduated from Hitotsubashi 
University and entered MOFA in 1973; consul general in Honolulu 
since September 2005, after serving as minister at the embassy in 
Germany and other posts; age 56. 
 
Ambassador to Qatar Yukio Kitazume: Graduated from Tohoku University 
and entered MITI in 1973; advisor to Nippon Export and Investment 
Insurance from April to July 2007, after serving in such posts as 
director general of the Patent Office's General Administration 
Department; age 56. 
 
Ambassador to Guatemala Kazumi Suzuki: Graduated from Hitotsubashi 
University and joined MOFA in 1973; consul general in Barcelona 
since December 2003, after serving in such posts as minister at the 
embassy in Nepal; age 57. 
 
Ambassador to the Philippines Makoto Katsura: Left the University of 
Tokyo in mid-course; joined MOFA in 1971; ambassador to Laos since 
July 2004, after serving in such posts as consul general in Geneva; 
 
TOKYO 00003783  010 OF 011 
 
 
age 59. 
 
Ambassador to Burma (Myanmar) Yasuaki Nogawa: Graduated from 
Hitotsubashi University and joined MOFA in 1973; executive director 
of Agriculture and Livestock Industries since August 2005, after 
serving in such posts as consul general in Sydney; age 58. 
 
Ambassador to Nepal Tatsuo Mizuno: Graduated from the University of 
Tokyo and Joined MOFA in 1973; general auditor of Nippon Automated 
Cargo Clearance System Operations Organization since September 2005, 
after serving in such posts as consul general in Auckland; age 59. 
 
Ambassador to Uzbekistan and Tajikistan Tsutomu Hiraoka: Graduated 
from the University of Tokyo and entered MOFA in 1973; ambassador to 
Nepal since September 2004, after serving in such posts as consul 
general in Edinburgh; age 60. 
 
Ambassador to Malaysia Masahiko Horie: Graduated from Osaka 
University and joined MOFA in 1973; ambassador to Qatar since July 
2004, after serving in such posts as minister at the embassy in 
France; age 61. 
 
Ambassador to Laos Masaaki Miyashita: Left Keio University graduate 
school in mid-course; entered MOFA in 1973; ambassador to Zambia 
since October 2004 and concurrently ambassador to Malawi since 
November 2004, after serving in such posts as consul general in 
Melbourne; age 60. 
 
Chief of Protocol Yuichi Kusumoto: Graduated from Doshisha 
University and joined MOFA in 1971; ambassador Uzbekistan since July 
2004 and concurrently ambassador to Tajikistan since August 2004, 
after serving in such posts as consul general in Khabarovsk; age 
¶59. 
 
(8) What is behind Abe's plan to meet son of war tribunal judge Pal 
despite possible reactions from US, Asia 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 24) (Full) 
August 16, 2007 
 
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe stayed away from Yasukuni Shrine 
yesterday, the anniversary of the end of World War II. But during 
his visit to India in late August, Abe is scheduled to meet the 
eldest son of the late Radhabinod Pal, who as a judge at the 
International Military Tribunal for the Far East (Tokyo Trial) 
insisted that all the Class-A war criminals should be found not 
guilty. Abe will also meet a descendant of Subhas Chandra Bose, a 
hero in the Indian Independence Movement who was in communication 
with wartime prime minister Hideki Tojo. The meeting, which is seen 
as part of his policy of emerging from the postwar regime, is 
expected to evoke negative reactions from the United States and 
Asian countries. Despite such a possibility, why has he arranged the 
meeting? 
 
Last October, Prime Minister Abe made these replies in House of 
Representatives Budget Committee meetings: "The Class-A war 
criminals were tried for crimes against peace, but that concept was 
formed at that stage"; and, "Historians should judge who should be 
held responsible for starting the war and to what extent they were. 
The government is not in the position of handing down a judgment." 
But the prime minister is about to expose his historical views to a 
global audience by meeting with the relatives of Pal and Bose. 
 
TOKYO 00003783  011 OF 011 
 
 
 
NGO Peace Depo President Hiromichi Umebayashi cynically commented: 
"His act is tantamount to a politician rehashing arguments on the 
Tokyo Trial. He might be hoping to prove his historical views are 
correct." 
 
Umebayashi indicated that the planned meeting might be taken as a 
move to deny Japan's responsibility for the war. Although the Tokyo 
War Crimes Trials carry only a political meaning for the US, there 
is hatred toward the war criminals among Asian peoples. They might 
take the meeting as showing the rising influence of those willing to 
revive what Japan used to be. " 
 
Sophia University Professor Yoshinori Murai said: "Although it is 
inconceivable that an impact will appear immediately, the image of 
Japan being a peace-loving nation in the postwar period has changed 
over the past several years due to the dispatch of Self-Defense 
Force (SDF) troops to Iraq and other reasons. I doubt that the prime 
minister's meeting with the relatives of Pal and Bose will work 
favorably for Japanese companies' operations overseas." 
 
The Issuikai, a new rightist group, has held a Buddhist service for 
Bose on the anniversary of his death (Aug. 18) every year, defining 
him as a person who echoed Japan's just cause of the "Greater East 
Asia War." Because of this, President Kimura welcomes the prime 
minister's meeting with Bose's son, saying: "The meeting probably 
will be a historic stage for the prime minister to show that he has 
not forgotten his old friends and that the winner in Asia that 
achieved economic growth also has a kind heart. The meeting is not 
bad, in light of Japan emerging from the postwar regime." But he 
added that he did not think the timing was proper. 
 
Kimura speculated: "If he had contacted such persons even before he 
became prime minister, the meeting would not appear to be abrupt to 
me. The idea of meeting them might have emerged at someone's 
suggestion with the aim of recovering the devastating loss he 
suffered in the July House of Councillors election." 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Ichiro Ozawa declined the 
request made by US Ambassador Schieffer after the Upper House 
election to support the government's plan to extend the 
Antiterrorism Special Measures Law. This refusal raised Ozawa's 
reputation. Some observers see a sense of rivalry behind the prime 
minister's decision to meet the descendents of Pal and Bose. 
 
Professor Murai made this critical comment: "He is unmindful of what 
part of his policy was rejected by the voters and why he suffered 
the crushing defeat in the earlier election. He is quite 
insensitive. If he decided to meet the relative of Pal in order to 
avoid criticism from China over the Yasukuni Shrine issue, he is 
completely blind to Asia." 
 
MESERVE