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UNCLAS LA PAZ 002104 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM BL
SUBJECT: INTRODUCTION TO BOLIVIAN INDIGENOUS ISSUES 
 
REF: A. LA PAZ 1981 
 
     ¶B. LA PAZ 1877 
 
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Summary 
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¶1.  Bolivia has the highest percentage (from 35 percent to as 
high as 75 percent, depending on the survey) of indigenous 
citizens in South America, and Evo Morales' near-iconic 
status as the first indigenous president of Bolivia has made 
indigenous issues both highly-visible and contentious.  But 
what does it mean to be indigenous in Bolivia?  With 
political and economic decisions riding on this question, it 
is important to review the concept of 'indigenousness', 
whether self-defined or imposed by others.  What follows is a 
generalized introduction to provide a base for more detailed 
reporting in the future. 
 
-------------------------------------------- 
Statistics: Numbers Big, Small, and Changing 
-------------------------------------------- 
 
¶2.  Although the standard estimate of the indigenous 
population in Bolivia ranges from 60 to 80 percent, there are 
significant differences over time and under different survey 
methodology.  The 2001 national census revealed that 62 
percent of the population identified themselves as part of an 
"indigenous or original people."  However, the most recent 
iteration of a biannual survey administered by U.S. professor 
Mitchell Seligson revealed that 65 percent of the population 
considered themselves of mestizo or mixed race.  In this 
survey the question was asked in two different ways, and the 
question which exactly repeated the phrasing of the 2001 
census received a response that 72 percent of the population 
considered themselves indigenous (at the same time that many 
of the same respondents also considered themselves mestizo.) 
The biannual Seligson surveys also show a dramatic decrease 
in self-identification as "white."  In 1998, 23 percent of 
respondents self-identified as white while in 2006 only 11 
percent self-identified as white.  During that same time 
period, the percent of respondents self-identifying as 
indigenous doubled, a mirror image of the trend for whites. 
 
¶3.  Significantly, the authors of the Seligson study conclude 
that this self-identification varies according to whether a 
person is asked about membership in a specific indigenous 
group or a generalized "indigenous" identity.  For example, 
respondents were much more likely to identify themselves as 
members of the Aymara, Quechua, or another specific 
indigenous group, than to identify themselves as "indigenous" 
in general.  When talking to indigenous leaders, it is common 
to hear comments about historic clashes between the Aymara 
and Quechua for example, and indigenous groups of the 
Altiplano often seem little inclined to join forces with 
eastern, lowland indigenous groups.  (Note: some observers 
suggest that if a Quechua candidate were to run against 
President Morales, who is Aymara, it would split the 
"indigenous vote".  President Morales' cabinet includes 
Quechua ministers, however, and the president is popular in 
non-Aymara indigenous strongholds, particularly in the 
countryside.  End note.) 
 
¶4.  Many observers have suggested that, in pure terms of 
heritage, the vast majority of Bolivians (whether 
self-identifying as white or indigenous) are actually of 
mixed-heritage.  Recent reporting suggests that there are 36 
indigenous groups in Bolivia.  The 2001 census tallied 
individuals of 15 years of age or older who self-identified 
as indigenous (total population count for 15-and-older was 
5,064,992).  The largest groups in 2001 were the Quechuas 
(population 1,555,641), Aymaras (1,277,881), Chiquitanos 
(112,216), and Guaranis (78,359).  A number of indigenous 
groups have fewer than 200 members, and one group is said to 
consist of only two families. 
 
----------------------- 
Defining Indigenousness 
----------------------- 
 
¶5.  When asked to list the attributes that contribute to 
indigenous identity, most Bolivians start with language.  The 
ability to speak one's native language is generally highly 
prized within local indigenous communities, although some 
communities report that parents encourage their children to 
use only Spanish in an attempt to avoid the economic and 
social stigma still attached to imperfect Spanish.  A recent 
study, "Ethnic and Linguistic Range of the Bolivian 
Population," indicated that half of the Bolivian population 
speaks only Spanish, while 33 percent is bilingual in Spanish 
and an indigenous language, and 12 percent speaks only an 
indigenous language.  The vast majority of Bolivians who 
speak an indigenous language speak either Quechua or Aymara. 
Less than one percent of the population speaks an indigenous 
language other than Quechua, Aymara or Guarani.  The survey 
identified 34 indigenous languages in Bolivia (including 
Quechua, Aymara and Guarani) and found that in the small 
communities, only 14 percent of members speak their 
indigenous languages.  The official treatment of indigenous 
languages is being debated in the Constituent Assembly as 
part of the draft constitution.  The Movement Toward 
Socialism (MAS) party has proposed that Spanish be the 
official language, Quechua, Aymara, and Guarani have status 
as "principal languages" and that all indigenous languages be 
protected and encouraged. 
 
¶6.  Traditions and customs are another strong source of 
indigenous identity.  In the countryside, the tradition of 
community justice has survived in many communities (often 
because the law of the cities didn't reach them.) Since the 
2004 elections, reportedly 18 town councils have formalized 
the use of indigenous customs in local governance.  The 
customs in question differ from council to council, but 
generally include enhanced community involvement such as 
monthly "elders" meetings or collective decision making.  The 
concept of community justice is hotly debated, partially due 
to confusion over its definition (ref A).  In the cities, it 
has become a code word for vigilante justice, including 
lynching.  In the countryside, it refers more to traditional 
judgments and punishments, generally excluding the death 
penalty (in many groups traditionally the most severe 
punishment was banishment from the community.) 
 
¶7.  Land has been and is becoming an even more important part 
of indigenous identification.  Indigenous autonomy, although 
poorly defined at present, would presumably include some sort 
of indigenous control over traditionally indigenous 
territories (ref B describes the various autonomy proposals.) 
 Currently, the MAS party has also proposed that indigenous 
groups have full rights over natural resources in their 
autonomous territories (ref A.) 
 
¶8.  Traditional dress can also be an indicator of 
indigenousness.  The classic image of "indigenous Bolivia" is 
an altiplano woman in her traditional outfit consisting of 
long, full skirts, a shawl, and bowler hat.  Although the 
male counterpart of this outfit (poncho and knit cap with 
ear-flaps) can still be seen in the countryside, it is 
extremely rare in the cities, where generally only women 
still wear traditional garb.  Emboff recently attended a 
meeting of indigenous youth leaders whose participants 
stressed the importance of traditional dress as a way of 
maintaining their culture (note: of the 96 participants, only 
one male student wore indigenous garb, while roughly 20 
female students wore at least the full skirts and shawls.) 
 
------------------ 
Indigenous Cities? 
------------------ 
 
¶9.  In addition to the occasional conflicts between different 
indigenous groups, there is ongoing tension surrounding the 
idea of indigenous city-dwellers.  In their 2006 study, 
investigators Luis Verdesoto and Moira Zuazo suggest that the 
continued migration from the countryside to the "mestizo" 
strongholds of the large cities will weaken ties to 
indigenous culture and lessen self-identification as 
indigenous.  The sprawling city of El Alto is often cited as 
the largest indigenous community in Bolivia, but it is hard 
to see how El Alto could be given any sort of indigenous 
autonomy, since El Alto residents come from many different 
indigenous backgrounds (although the majority are Aymara.) 
 
--------------------------- 
Campesino Versus Indigenous 
--------------------------- 
 
¶10.  In an example of unintended consequences, the push for 
indigenous rights has occasionally pitted indigenous groups 
against campesinos (peasant farmers who are often ethnically 
or culturally indigenous also).  Emboffs have been approached 
recently by Rufo Calle, head of the Confederation of 
Campesino Workers of Bolivia (CSUTCB), for help in a 
situation where a local indigenous group has claimed land 
currently farmed by campesino members of CSUTCB.  According 
to Mr. Calle (himself indigenous) "our campesino families 
have farmed this land for hundreds of years," and therefore 
they should have just as strong a claim as the small local 
indigenous group.  The campesinos in this case are 
themselves, in fact, indigenous, but are not members of the 
local indigenous group that has claimed ancestral rights to 
the land.  A key element of this conflict is the decades-old 
migration of the Aymara and Quechua from their Altiplano 
homelands--where they self-identify as "indigenous"--to the 
media-luna lowlands, where they instantly become "campesinos". 
 
---------- 
Conclusion 
---------- 
 
¶11.  Currently Bolivian Law 1257, ratified in July 1991, 
bases the definition of indigenousness on the Organization 
for International Migration's convention which includes both 
a heredity component and the idea of conservation of some or 
all of the group's original social, cultural and political 
institutions.  Indigenous groups in Bolivia may wish to 
modify or strengthen that definition in order to concentrate 
benefits within their communities, or the definition of 
indigenousness may have to be more clearly codified at a 
national level.  After centuries of stigmatization, 
indigenousness may become a political and economic advantage 
at times, in which case we may see an even greater increase 
in the number of Bolivians who self-identify as indigenous. 
GOLDBERG