VZCZCXYZ0000
RR RUEHWEB

DE RUEHSL #0472/01 2360614
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 240614Z AUG 07
FM AMEMBASSY BRATISLAVA
TO SECSTATE WASHDC 1145

UNCLAS BRATISLAVA 000472 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR EUR/PPD, EUR/NCE 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: CVIS MARR MOPS PGOV PREL KPAO LO
SUBJECT: EXAMINATION OF POLITICAL PRESSURE IN SLOVAK MEDIA 
 
 
¶1. SUMMARY: Since its inception the governing coalition led by Prime 
Minister Robert Fico, has brawled with the press. This "open war," 
as the spokesman for the Ministry of Culture has termed it, is 
exacerbated by statements from the Prime Minister's office insisting 
on more coverage by public media of its programs and cries from 
journalists claiming they are under political pressure to change 
stories. On the surface this is an alarming blow to freedom of the 
press, but the story is more complex than that. Journalism in 
Slovakia is not without its problems, but when taken as a whole, it 
is robust and independent. END SUMMARY 
 
¶2. Animosity between the press and Smer is long lived. On the eve of 
Prime Minister Fico's election victory last year, the winning party 
had all press covering them wait outside in the alley beside the 
party headquarters building. They were left without light, 
electricity or seats. Reporters wrote that party operatives demanded 
to see press credentials when journalists needed to use the toilet. 
Prime Minister elect Fico and his deputy, Robert Kalinak refused to 
meet with the media. When Slovak Television failed to cover his trip 
to Italy, Prime Minister Fico called the Director of STV and made it 
clear that covering political trips were to be a priority for the 
station. Recently Prime Minister Fico declared that the only neutral 
newspaper in the country was the tabloid (and most widely read 
newspaper) Novy Cas, branding all the others as playing the part of 
the "political opposition." 
 
¶3. Prime Minister Fico and his Culture Minister, Marek Madaric not 
only bemoan the lack of professionalism of the media but have 
decided to try to correct the problem legislatively. Accordingly, 
the Ministry of Culture proposed a new print media law (current law 
dates from 1966). The main objective of the proposed law is to 
require newspapers to print the statements of government officials 
and others who believe they have been wronged by a story. The Slovak 
Syndicate of Journalists nominally supports the print media law, 
which may pass as early as September, because the one currently on 
the books is outdated. The syndicate, however, points out that the 
current draft fails to define what is and is not open for the 
government or organizations to force a newspaper to print a reply. 
It remains to be seen what the final version of this law will look 
like, but currently it has provisions that require transparency in 
ownership of print media. 
 
¶4. Despite the rhetoric from the government and pending legislation, 
there are some longer term positive developments in Slovak news 
organizations. The trend, according to a poll of journalists in 
2005, was a lessening of political pressure. Reporters were asked to 
compare instances of political pressure to change stories between 
1997 and 2005. Those who stated that they received frequent pressure 
to change stories was roughly equal at 12.75% in 1997 and 11.1% in 
¶2005. Those reporters who experienced occasional political pressure 
fell from 51.6% in 1997 to 38.5% in 2005, while those reporting no 
pressure rose from 35.7% in 1997 50.4% in 2005. 
 
¶5. Slovak media is attracting better educated journalists. In 1967 
53% of journalists had education levels below college level, 21% had 
degrees in a non-journalism field and 25% held degrees in the field 
of journalism. By 2005 only 26% had less than a college degree, 39% 
held a degree in a non-journalism field and 34% held degrees in 
journalism. 
 
¶6. Allegations of political pressure exist, but the numbers cited 
above come from all reporters and are credible. The improving 
statistics can be attributed to the fact that all of Slovakia's 
national dailies are in foreign hands. Ronald Lauder's Bermuda-based 
broadcasting company CME now owns Markiza Television outright and 
all major, national newspapers are owned by multinational 
corporations whose larger concern is the bottom line. Although the 
papers tend to return the ill will the government holds for them, 
their reporting does not smack of partisan politics. Slovakia's 
media plurality is healthy and although the government has continued 
to attack the media, it is not under any serious threat of political 
manipulation. 
 
Alleged Political Interference at Slovak Television 
 
 
¶7. A news-making crisis at Slovak Television (STV), although billed 
as the epitome of political pressure, is a complicated story that 
belies the reports. Six months after the Bohomir Bobocky-led Slovak 
Television Council elected Radim Hreha to the post of General 
Director of STV and Jn mihula was appointed editor-in-chief of the 
station's news desk, five journalists left, with rumors of others to 
follow. Prominent papers quoted the reporters as citing political 
pressure on their reporting as the reason specifically that 
government officials called to push for favorable coverage of the 
ruling coalition. In an unprecedented move the Slovak Television 
Council convened a public hearing and invited the reporters to 
present their case against the management of STV. The five-hour 
hearing was emotional and accusatory, but in the end the council 
decided that there was no proof of the accusations of political 
influence at the station. The council decided that a committee will 
be formed to further investigate the accusations. In informal 
 
conversations with former STV reporters who attended the hearing, 
they made claims that equal political pressure existed under former 
General Director Richard Rybnicek- who was appointed under the 
previous government- and that no public hearing ever came from that 
shake up. 
 
¶8. Discussions with professionals inside and outside the Slovak 
Television Council paint an unfortunate confluence of neglect and 
incompetence as the culprits behind the current difficulties at STV. 
The troika of Hreha, Bobocky and Smihula has created, through 
incompetence and inexperience, a debilitating situation for STV. 
Both Hreha and Bobocky are described as, "dilettantes." Bohomir 
Bobocky, who should shape strategic policy for the station, meddles 
instead in day-to day workings of the station. Radim Hreha, who came 
here from previous media jobs in the Czech Republic, is so 
incompetent that he is unable to prevent Mr. Bobocky from creating 
chaos in the station. Jan Smihula simply lacks professional 
experience. 
 
¶9. Beyond the problems with the current leadership of STV, it is a 
broken system. It has been under funded or plundered for so long 
that both physical infrastructure and personnel structures are 
ailing. Modern technology layered on top of legacy equipment 
negatively impacts production quality, and the loss of experienced 
people to other stations or careers negatively affects content. STV 
cannot even maintain its building, and its production of original 
programming is almost non-existent.  Hreha has asked for an 
additional 500 million crowns, but the station is unlikely to get 
any infusion of that magnitude. 
 
¶10. Under the last government, STV was overhauled to stop losing 
money. Production was cut, and more commercial programming was 
introduced. Over the last few years STV has joined its two 
commercial rivals, Markiza and TVJOJ, in offering a slate of reality 
shows, eroding its public service function and diminishing its 
credibility. 
 
¶11. Under funding is one of the chronic problems for public media. 
Slovak Radio, for example, has recalled virtually all of its 
foreign-based correspondents to save money.  A new law, separate 
from the print media law, has been proposed that will require 
households with electricity hookups to pay a fee for television and 
radio. This is different from the existing law in that currently 
only households with televisions need pay the fee. Members of the 
Television Council believe that the new law on media fees, if 
passed, would increase collections from 60% of those who should be 
liable to closer to 80%. This could be a boost in revenue of up to 
300 million crowns. The bill should come up for a vote in September, 
but opinion holds that because the increase in fees it entails makes 
it an unpopular measure, Robert Fico's populism will force him to 
quash it. If this happens, public media will continue to suffer 
declines in the service it provides. 
 
Comment 
------- 
 
¶12. Although Fico's "war" against the press is unlikely to result in 
any significant eroding of press freedom, his approach and his 
populism do carry consequences. One, of course, is possible 
self-censorship by the media out of concern for government reaction. 
 Further, Fico's populism will most likely prevent him from allowing 
the passage of sorely needed funding mechanisms for public 
television and radio. This will further weaken an already ailing 
channel for Slovaks to obtain news. His unabated railing against the 
media has played for a time.  So far, the Fico government has 
remained very popular despite mostly critical media treatment.  But 
such treatment can erode popularity over time, as it did with Mr. 
Fico's predecessor. 
SILVERMAN