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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 003490 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/31/07 
 
 
Index: 
 
(1) Prime Minister Abe expresses "regret" about passed House 
resolution 
 
(2) In response to US House approval for comfort-women resolution, 
Prime Minister Abe: "I'll continue efforts to explain" 
 
(3) DPJ President Ozawa comes out against the amendment to the 
Anti-terror Law in appearance at meeting of party officials 
 
(4) It will be extremely difficult for ruling, opposition parties to 
reach agreement on pension system reform; Pension policy could bog 
down; Three barriers to clear before setting up consultative 
council 
 
(5) Governing coalition's crushing defeat in Upper House election 
(Part 1): Political mission is to implement reform for growth 
 
(6) Editorial: People dumbfounded by prime minister's announcement 
on remaining in power 
 
(7) Interview with University of Tokyo Professor Ikuo Kabashima on 
results of July 29 House of Councillors election - a vote of no 
confidence in Abe 
 
(8) Editorial: Prime Minister Abe has misunderstood public will 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Prime Minister Abe expresses "regret" about passed House 
resolution 
 
MAINICHI (Page 1) (Full) 
Eve., July 31, 2007 
 
Prime Minister Abe this morning made this statement to the press 
corps at his official residence about the US House of 
Representatives having passed a resolution on the so-called 
"comfort-women" issue: "With regard to this issue, I explained my 
thinking and the government's responses until now at the time of my 
visit to the United States in April. I regret the passage of the 
resolution. I think it is important for us to continue to explain 
ourselves from now on. The twentieth century was an era when human 
rights were violated. I would like to work so that the twenty-first 
century will be a time when human rights will no longer be 
violated." 
 
(2) In response to US House approval for comfort-women resolution, 
Prime Minister Abe: "I'll continue efforts to explain" 
 
ASAHI ONLINE NEWS 
July 31, 2007, at 13:56 p.m. 
 
At noon today, when asked about the US House of Representatives 
having approved a resolution on the wartime "comfort women," Prime 
Minister Abe said: "When I visited the United States in April, I 
gave an account of my views and the government's response (to the 
"comfort women" issue). It's regrettable to see this sort of 
resolution approved." He continued, "I think it is important to 
explain fully to the US side about the issue from now on as well," 
indicating his intention to continue his efforts to do so. Abe was 
 
TOKYO 00003490  002 OF 010 
 
 
replying to reporters at his official residence (Kantei). 
 
(3) DPJ President Ozawa comes out against the amendment to the 
Anti-terror Law in appearance at meeting of party officials 
 
ASAHI.COM (Full) 
July 31, 2007 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) President Ozawa today 
expressed his opposition to the government bill amending the 
Anti-Terrorism Special Measures Law, which allows the Self-Defense 
Forces (SDF) to provide logistical support for US warships deployed 
to the Indian Ocean. The bill will be the focus of attention in the 
extraordinary Diet session this fall. Ozawa said: "Our views are the 
same as before. Since we have been opposed to it, there is no reason 
for us to now approve it." Ozawa's strategy is to press the Abe 
administration for an early dissolution of the Lower House and the 
holding of a general election by shaking up the government and 
parties by steering the Upper House of the Diet toward an early 
dissolution. 
 
He was speaking to reporters at the party headquarters. 
 
Ozawa, who had been resting at home due to fatigue from his 
campaigning for the election, today appeared at the party officials 
meeting and at a standing secretaries' general meeting. This was the 
first time he has been seen since the Upper House election on July 
¶29. At the start of the standing secretaries' general meeting, he 
expressed his view about carrying out a change in administration 
through dissolution of the Lower House and a general election: "We 
have achieved the first goal in our drive to bring about a trading 
of places between the ruling and opposition camps. However, the real 
contest begins now. We will make the Upper House into a real 
battleground in the Diet starting this fall. I would all of you to 
do your best to reach that final goal." 
 
Referring to Prime Minister Abe's announcement that he would stay on 
in office, Ozawa stressed: "For the cabinet to stay on even after 
losing the majority (in the Upper House) is absolutely absurd. He 
will never be able to obtain the nation's support for such a willful 
and preposterous act." "Since a trading of places of ruling and 
opposition camps is now possible, that nuisance will only be with us 
in the Nagata-cho capitol district a little while longer." 
 
(4) It will be extremely difficult for ruling, opposition parties to 
reach agreement on pension system reform; Pension policy could bog 
down; Three barriers to clear before setting up consultative 
council 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full) 
July 31, 2007 
 
Voters' distrust in the government over the pension fiasco brought 
about a crushing defeat for the ruling parties in the Upper House 
election. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe after the election indicated his 
readiness to take the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ or Minshuto) 
view into consideration in setting policies. However, it will be 
extremely difficult for the ruling parties and the DPJ to find 
common ground, because they are at odds over fundamental aspects of 
the issue. A senior ruling party member during the election campaign 
proposed setting up a consultative council involving both the 
opposition and ruling parties. However, given the present situation, 
 
TOKYO 00003490  003 OF 010 
 
 
it is doubtful they will be able to realize such an initiative. If 
the proposal ends up as a mere gesture aimed at the electorate, the 
pension policy could continue to meander, despite the will of the 
people shown in the election. This newspaper has identified three 
barriers to settling the pension issue. 
 
Unification of public pension plans 
 
Appearing on a TV program right after all votes were counted, Abe on 
July 29 said, "I will lend an ear to the views of opposition parties 
as well." During a press conference on July 30, he cited the name of 
bills that he wanted to see enacted in the extraordinary Diet 
session in the fall, but he did not include the legislation for 
unifying the public pension programs that was carried over from the 
regular Diet session to the next session. 
 
The pension legislation is aimed at combining part of employees' 
pension plan and part of the mutual aid pension. The idea is 
incompatible with the DPJ's plan, which features the integration of 
all pension programs, including the national pension plan. It will, 
therefore, be difficult to enter deliberations based on their draft 
plans. 
 
The ruling parties have scathingly attacked the DPJ plan as pie in 
the sky. That is because it is difficult to determine the income of 
contributors to the national pension plan, a process necessary to 
work out pension premiums, because contributors to this pension plan 
are mainly self-employed individuals. In order to settle this issue, 
it is necessary to make their income transparent as is the case of 
salaried workers, adopting such systems as a taxpayer identification 
number system. However, since self-employed workers are the ruling 
parties' power base, they cannot easily agree to adopt such a 
system. 
 
The government plan includes a proposal for unifying the premium 
rates of the employees' pension plan and the mutual aid pension 
starting in 2010. Deliberations will fall behind the schedule, if 
they are stalled. 
 
Source of revenue to finance basic pension 
 
A set of bills to reform the pension system, enacted in 2004, 
stipulate that the ratio of state contribution to the basic pension 
is to be raised from the current one-third to 50% in fiscal 2009. 
There is tacit understanding between the government and the ruling 
parties that the increased portion of contribution is to be covered 
with a hike in the consumption tax, though the bills do not mention 
funding resources amounting to 5 trillion yen. However, the DPJ's 
policy is to freeze the tax rate. Conditions have yet to be met in 
order for the government to come up with a tax hike plan. 
 
The current system is based on the premise that state contribution 
is to be increased in fiscal 2009. The further the time to raise the 
contribution ratio to 50% is delayed, the nearer the pension 
finances will approach collapse. As such, if it is not possible to 
hike the consumption tax, ruling parties will have to find another 
source of revenue. 
 
Social Insurance Agency reform bill 
 
The DPJ is determined to introduce a bill that bans the use of 
collected funds for purposes other than pension benefit payouts. A 
 
TOKYO 00003490  004 OF 010 
 
 
serious discussion of this bill would lead to an amendment to bills 
related to reform the Social Insurance Agency (SIA) reform, which 
allow the allocation of 100 billion yen in insurance money to 
administrative expenses, necessitating revising a proposal for 
making the SIA staff non-government employees. This bill reflects 
the will of the Finance Ministry, which hopes to constrain the tax 
burden. As such, if the issue develops into a revision argument, the 
ministry is bound to oppose such a proposal. 
 
To begin with, the ruling parties and the DPJ are at loggerheads 
over the basic principle of whether to use insurance funds to 
finance the basic portion of the national pension plan or to cover 
the full amount with tax money. Regarding the establishment of a 
consultative council with the ruling parties, the DPJ makes it a 
precondition that its proposals be accepted. However, the ruling 
parties do not appear to be ready to accept the DPJ's proposal at 
the moment. 
 
(5) Governing coalition's crushing defeat in Upper House election 
(Part 1): Political mission is to implement reform for growth 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 1) (Abridged) 
July 3, 2007 
 
Naoaki Okabe 
 
Why did the administration led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe stumble 
so badly? The public's distrust of the administration grew stronger 
over the question of missing records of pension premium payments and 
a string of cabinet-minister scandals. There was more. The Abe 
administration apparently gave an impression that it had flinched 
and turned reluctant to carry out the reforms it was supposed to. I 
think the Upper House election posed this question: What is Japan 
expected to do in the drastically changing global society? 
 
Not match for "Koizumi" 
 
Abe was beaten by Ichiro Ozawa, head of the major opposition 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto), and he also proved that 
he certainly was no Junichiro Koizumi. 
 
Abe emerged as the successor to lead Koizumi's structural reform 
drive. In the post-Cold War era of global competition, Japan is 
falling behind other countries. Still worse, Japan has the worst 
budget deficit among the industrialized countries, as it suffers 
from a rapidly aging society and a declining birthrate. Under these 
circumstances, Abe had been charged with the historic mission of 
accelerating reforms. 
 
Despite that situation, the Abe administration has remained 
ambivalent in its attitude when it came to reform, lacking a 
strategic challenge like the privatization of postal services that 
Koizumi promoted. It lacked a strong determination to implement 
reform. 
 
The Abe administration's ambiguous attitude has incurred the 
mistrust of voters in both rural and urban areas. Abe is suspected 
to be backpedaling on his reform drive. On the other hand, his 
"reform policy" is cited as the cause of an expanding regional 
income disparity. Abe's stinging defeat in Sunday's Upper House 
election was essentially attributable to a lack of perseverance in 
his economic policy. 
 
TOKYO 00003490  005 OF 010 
 
 
 
There is concern that economic policy management will not go 
smoothly with the reverse of the standings in the Upper House 
between the ruling and opposition parties. But no matter what party 
is in control of the government, Japan has no choice but to live in 
a world of interdependence as globalization is advancing. Policy 
options for Japan are therefore limited. 
 
What is Japan expected to do now is to implement the so-called 
"trinity reform": the pension system, the tax and financial systems, 
and the growth strategy. Cross-party debate on these reforms is 
essential. 
 
On the reform of the tax and financial systems, the Abe 
administration has prioritized cutting annual expenditures. This 
stance is correct, but in order to keep the pension and social 
welfare system going, reform of the tax system is indispensable. 
 
The reason why the so-called Koizumi reform did not make a dramatic 
progress is because the reform of the tax system was put on the 
back-burner. The past historic reform-oriented administrations in 
the world like the one led by British Prime Minister Thatcher and 
the one by US President Reagan put the reform of the tax system at 
the center of their reform drives. Considering the current situation 
in Japan, where the population is aging and the birthrate is 
declining, hiking the consumption tax is an unavoidable choice and 
lowering the corporate tax will also be necessary in terms of global 
mega-competition. 
 
Likewise, it is important how to link the growth strategy to global 
mega competition. The key is how well to adapt the Japanese economy 
to the rapidly growing global economy. The core of this strategy is 
to integrate the East Asian economies and attract foreign firms to 
Japan. Japan should continue efforts to turn the Tokyo market into 
an international financial center. "No growth without opening the 
doors" is common knowledge about global economy. 
 
Regional economies at home have faced a number of difficult 
problems. But Japan should not revert to pork-barrel spending for 
public works projects. And protecting farmers in an easy-going 
manner could only spoil agricultural reform. Japan should promote 
the decentralization of power even further, for instance, by 
transferring tax resources to local governments. Getting out of 
dependence on the central government and bolstered by the 
decentralization of power, local governments should work on 
attracting firms and create jobs. This would be the shortest way for 
revitalizing regional economies. 
 
Inward-looking Japan 
 
One aspect of the aftermath of the Upper House election would be 
that Japan has become an inward-looking country without realizing 
it. 
 
In a multipolar world, Japan, the second largest economy in the 
world, is expected to undertake a significant role. In the area of 
preventing global warming, Japan, along with the European Union 
(EU), should lead the rest of the world. Under the World Trade 
Organization (WTO), Japan must contribute to the multilateral trade 
talks (Doha Round). Japan needs to move in tandem with the US and 
Europe in addressing nuclear nonproliferation involving North Korea 
and Iran. As the only country that has suffered nuclear attacks in 
 
TOKYO 00003490  006 OF 010 
 
 
the world, Japan, regardless of its ruling and opposition parties, 
is responsible to the international community for calling on the 
rest of the world to abandon nuclear weapons. 
 
It is unacceptable to let political disputes endanger the Japanese 
economy, particularly at a time when slumping stock prices and the 
weakening yen are continuing.  There is even the possibility that 
excessive fluidity caused by Japan's ultra-low interest rates will 
trigger a crisis. 
 
What is dangerous is the case where the ruling and opposition 
parties begin a competition to capture votes with their respective 
policies. The DPJ is now required to have the consciousness of being 
a responsible opposition party. In order for Japan to survive in the 
global economy, both sides need to compete for better reform 
policies. Japan is in this sense being tested as to whether it is 
worthy of international trust. 
 
(6) Editorial: People dumbfounded by prime minister's announcement 
on remaining in power 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
July 31, 2007 
 
Shinzo Abe officially announced that he will stay on as prime 
minister yesterday, the day after the House of Councillors election 
on July 29. In a Liberal Democratic Party executive meeting and a 
meeting with New Komeito President Ota, Abe obtained their 
concurrences for his remaining in office. But what about the "no" 
clearly expressed by the voters to him? In a press conference 
yesterday, the prime minister said: "I take the people's severe 
judgment with gravity and sincerity. While reflecting on what I 
should reflect on, I will perform my responsibility in a modest 
manner by pushing ahead with reform and state-building plans." 
 
Has the prime minister interpreted the outcome of the election not 
as a no-confidence motion against him but as a scolding by the 
public? If so, the prime minister does not correctly understand the 
weight of the LDP's historic major defeat in the election. 
 
In the election, the LDP won only 37 seats, while the Democratic 
Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) garnered 60 seats. In addition, an 
exit poll carried out by the Asahi Shimbun found 56% called for the 
prime minister's resignation. Even among supporters of the LDP, one 
out of four voted for the DPJ in the proportional representation 
segment. 
 
The prime minister himself had regarded the latest election as an 
occasion to "ask the voters which are more qualified to be prime 
minister - I or Ozawa." 
 
When asked about this point in the press conference, the prime 
minister dodged the question. Instead, he revealed plans to change 
the lineup of party executives and cabinet members, saying: "I think 
the election result represents a public call for us to change our 
minds." That is a quite convenient way of thinking for him. 
 
Politicians should take responsibility for negative results by 
resigning from their posts. The people must be disappointed at the 
leader's stance of avoiding responsibility for the crushing 
electoral defeat. It is unlikely that people will easily dismiss 
their doubt and distrust of the prime minister's stance of holding 
 
TOKYO 00003490  007 OF 010 
 
 
on to power. 
 
Regarding the future course of the prime minister, LDP influential 
members have made unexpected responses. In such a case in the past, 
many LDP members called for the prime minister's resignation. In the 
Upper House election in 1989, in which the LDP won only 36 seats, 
the Prime Minister Uno stepped down. In the 1998 election, in which 
only 44 seats went to the LDP, Prime Minister Hashimoto resigned. 
 
Such responses are to reflect a tense atmosphere in the party, which 
has assumed the reins of government over the past 50 years, and that 
was indisputably the source of vitality for the party. This case, 
though, the following passive views are heard among influential LDP 
members: "There is no able personnel;" "The prime minister himself 
should make a decision;" and "he should stay on for the time 
being." 
 
It is hard to understand that the New Komeito easily approved Abe's 
staying in power. The party, which experienced a major defeat as a 
result of being affected by the headwind against the LDP, should 
consider whether responsibility lies, including future options for 
the current coalition arrangement with the LDP. 
 
The prime minister spoke of tasks his cabinet will tackle now, such 
as expansion-oriented economic policy, correction of social 
disparities, and new measures to deal with politics-and-money 
problems. But the prime minister has yet to ask for public 
confidence, a factor indispensable for him to promote such policy 
measures. 
 
If he is willing to remain in office, he should dissolve the House 
of Representatives for a snap election as soon as possible to seek 
the voters' judgment. 
 
(7) Interview with University of Tokyo Professor Ikuo Kabashima on 
results of July 29 House of Councillors election - a vote of no 
confidence in Abe 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Abridged slightly) 
July 31, 2007 
 
-- What made the Liberal Democratic Party suffer such a huge 
setback? 
 
Kabashima: Single-seat constituencies held the key. Former Prime 
Minister Koizumi had destroyed the LDP's traditional system of 
distributing to rural areas the fruits of economic development in 
the form of public works projects and the protection of farm 
produce, and the voters handed down their negative evaluation of it 
to Prime Minister Abe through this election. Changes to the LDP 
system led to its defeats in single-seat constituencies, which have 
been supportive of the party. 
 
Abe had tilted toward the traditional LDP system rather than toward 
market principles, but now that he has become Koizumi's successor, 
he needed to advocate reform and seek support in urban areas. In the 
eyes of urban voters, Abe's reform drive was insufficient as 
compared to Koizumi's, and to the rural areas it seemed the same as 
Koizumi's. Abe has thus lost the support of both sides. In addition 
to these developments, the LDP was directly hit by the pension 
fiasco, the question of money and politics, and other scandals. 
 
 
TOKYO 00003490  008 OF 010 
 
 
-- What is the cause of the overwhelming victory by the Democratic 
Party of Japan? 
 
Kabashima: The DPJ's victory owes much to party head Ichiro Ozawa's 
strategy of putting high priority on single-seat constituencies and 
of sending a direct message that the party will introduce an 
income-subsidy system for farmers. He has wrestled the farm votes 
from Abe. Ozawa used to be as reform-minded as Koizumi was, but he 
has thrown that away in order to become a true DPJ president. 
Furthermore, the DPJ now has many competent individuals, like Akira 
Nagatsuma, who scrutinized the pension fiasco, enabling the party to 
fulfill its role to closely check problems associated with the 
ruling parties. That has resulted in a nationwide trend to break 
away from the LDP. 
 
-- Do you see any change in voter behavior? 
 
Kabashima: Voter turnout did not drop, which was significant. Voter 
turnout has in the past been low in the year of the boar (in the 
Chinese zodiac), but that didn't happen in this election partly 
because swing voters in cities came out in force. 
 
As a result, the New Komeito and LDP's organizational votes were 
diluted. What was interesting was the case of Masako Okawara, who 
ran in the Tokyo constituency on the DPJ ticket. Various opinion 
polls had indicated that she was on the borderline, but she 
eventually claimed the top place in the race. This indicates voters' 
strategic behavior to get the two DPJ candidates elected. The same 
behavior was observed in other constituencies, as well. In addition 
to unaffiliated voters, some JCP and SDP supporters also showed the 
same pattern. 
 
-- Does that mean many voters acted in a way distinct from the 
past? 
 
Kabashima: An increasing number of swing voters are paying attention 
to situational surveys without being bound by traditional 
organizations. During the LDP vs. Japan Socialist Party era, voters' 
psychology not to allow the JSP to take power worked. Okawara's case 
clearly depicted the voters' logic that in order for the DPJ to 
switch place with the LDP, the opposition party needed to have more 
than a small margin. The results mirror the voters' desire to see 
the LDP's defeat. 
 
-- How should the political parties take this public opinion? 
 
Kabashima: An Upper House election tends to reflect voters' 
assessment of the administration's achievements. The voter-candidate 
relationship in the Upper House is weaker than that in the Lower 
House, as well. That is why Upper House election results tend to 
directly mirror voters' assessments of party heads and parties. That 
being said, the outcome of this election is nothing but a 
no-confidence vote against Abe. 
 
-- But Prime Minister Abe has indicated that he will stay in 
office. 
 
Kabashima: Based on his views on the Constitution and the abduction 
issue, many people had regarded Abe as a "politician with 
conviction." But his announcement has generated an image of clinging 
to power. The images of party heads have greatly affected the 
results of national elections in recent years. Abe had been picked 
 
TOKYO 00003490  009 OF 010 
 
 
as the LDP's "election face" at relatively young age, but he failed 
to fulfill that role. The LDP that has endorsed Abe's decision 
clearly lacks vigor. 
 
The results exposed the New Komeito's weakness of sinking into 
insignificance with high voter turnout. The outcome also raised the 
question of how long the New Komeito is going to remain as the LDP's 
coalition partner with no ability to have a deciding vote. 
 
-- How should the DPJ act? 
 
Kabashima: Turning public opinion expressed in this election into 
support for the DPJ depends on whether or not it can wisely run the 
Upper House. In other words, it depends on whether or not the DPJ 
can translate its campaign pledges, including fiscal promises, into 
concrete bills in the Upper House to present them to the Lower 
House. A culmination of such efforts would prompt voters to decide 
to allow the DPJ to take power through the next Lower House 
election. 
 
(8) Editorial: Prime Minister Abe has misunderstood public will 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
July 31, 2007 
 
In the July 29 House of Councillors election, the Liberal Democratic 
Party (LDP) suffered a crushing defeat. In a press conference held 
the day after the election, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe revealed his 
intention to stay on as prime minister. 
 
The prime minister repeatedly said, "The responsibility rests with 
me," but he emphasized: "Many people appreciate the government's 
basic policy line, which is on the right track." If he really has 
such a perception, he apparently misunderstands the will of the 
people. 
 
As the points he should reflect on, he listed the government's 
responses to the pension problem and the politics-and-money issue. 
On the pension mess, he said: "Our efforts to eliminate public 
distrust of the pension system were insufficient." The prime 
minister had been ignorant of the seriousness of the problem until 
he saw his cabinet support rate sharply plummet, despite repeated 
indications by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto). The 
prime minister must modestly reflect on this fact; otherwise, he 
will never be able to regain public confidence. 
 
In connection with a series of politics-and-money scandals, as well, 
although the prime minister said he instructed the LDP to revise the 
Political Funds Control Law, a number of people had criticized the 
revised version enacted in the latest Diet session as a law full of 
loopholes. People must be feeling that the prime minister's 
reference now is late. 
 
The prime minister also said that the people are supportive of his 
basic policy, that is, his economic expansion policy. Asked why he 
believes the policy has been supported, Abe replied: "I felt 
audiences' positive reactions (when delivering street-corner 
speeches)." We wonder if he really understands what an election is. 
 
Further, the prime minister did not refer to whether the public 
supported his "beautiful country" concept, including his important 
task of revising the Constitution, as well as the slogan of 
 
TOKYO 00003490  010 OF 010 
 
 
"emerging from the postwar regime," only saying: "There was no time 
to speak of constitutional issues in detail in the election 
campaign." This is a very convenient way to interpret it, we must 
say. 
 
The prime minister labels constitutional revision as the challenge 
his cabinet should address on a top priority basis. He must find it 
more difficult to amend the Constitution after experiencing the 
devastating defeat in the latest election. If he continues to refuse 
to recognize the current severe situation, he will not be able to 
push ahead with Diet business even if he proposes cooperation with 
the DPJ. 
 
Prime Minister Abe has also revealed plans to significantly 
reshuffle his cabinet, saying: "The election outcome represents a 
public call for us to change our minds." But as long as the prime 
minister maintains his current perception and stance, the public 
will never stop calling on the prime minister and others to change 
their mentality. 
 
Despite such circumstances, the LDP in its board meeting yesterday 
decided to have the prime minister stay in power. In the meeting, 
many members of various factions remained quiet, with few calling on 
the prime minister to take responsibility. Even if the prime 
minister is replaced, the state of the reversal of strengths between 
the ruling and opposition parties will not change. It is also 
difficult to find a successor who can be expected to turn the 
tables. 
 
The LDP has done little about developing potential candidates for 
the party presidency. The LDP is now forced with the bill for that. 
The current situation is quite serious. 
 
SCHIEFFER