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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 TOKYO 002691 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 06/14/07 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Outcome of Upper House election hinges on result of joint 
struggle; Opposition camp aims to focus on pensions 
 
(2) Ozawa-led Minshuto to focus on three points to win single seats 
in Upper House election 
 
(3) Hiranuma's political presence increasing 
 
(4) Not possible for SDF to protect US vessels navigating far away 
from Japan under individual self-defense right 
 
(5) Commentary: Space plan fails to specify future vision 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Outcome of Upper House election hinges on result of joint 
struggle; Opposition camp aims to focus on pensions 
 
NIKKEI (NIHON KEIZAI) (Slightly abridged) 
June 13, 2007 
 
Only one month is left until the House of Councillors election on 
July 22. Each camp has already got preparations underway for the 
summer battle without waiting for the adjournment of the current 
Diet session. The focus of attention is on whether the ruling 
coalition will be able to secure a majority in the Upper House. 
 
"We should not turn the pension issue into a political football. It 
is essential for each political party to jointly make efforts to 
resolve public concern," Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) member 
Katsutoshi Kaneda said in a lecture meeting held by the New Komeito 
near JR Akita station on the evening of June 10. Kaneda aims to win 
a third term. Keeping in mind New Komeito President Akihiro Ota who 
was ready to take the platform for a speech next, Kaneda was paying 
attention to the New Komeito's policy manifesto on human life, which 
includes measure to deal with the shortage of doctors, in addition 
to the pension issue. 
 
The suicide rate in Akita Prefecture has reached 42.7 per every 
100,000 persons, registering the nation's highest record for the 
12th consecutive year. Among those who commit suicide, there are 
many people in the prime of their working life, that is, people in 
their 40s or 50s. Experts say that there must be an economic factor 
behind their suicides. Kaneda emphasized: "Let's build a strong 
Akita through polite politics that gives consideration to every 
resident." 
 
The Kaneda camp aims to grab organized votes in a thorough way. The 
LDP-candidate Kaneda has already called for the New Komeito's 
support. He has also secured about 500 votes from various 
organizations, although he won 150 from such groups in the previous 
election. Hosei Norota, a House of Representatives member who 
seceded from the LDP after opposing the postal privatization bill in 
2005 and is now unaffiliated with any party, expressed support for 
Kaneda, saying: "Although I am not under obligation to the LDP, 
supporting Mr. Kaneda is another matter." 
 
In a speech at a Akita hotel on the afternoon of June 10, Daigo 
Matsuura, a former announcer of a local broadcast station and an 
independent new-face candidate recommended by the Democratic Party 
of Japan (Minshuto) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP), devoted 
 
TOKYO 00002691  002 OF 007 
 
 
more than half of his 20-minute speech to pensions. He said: "Many 
citizens in Akita Prefectures have suffered losses. People waiting 
in long lines before the Social Insurance Agency's offices are 
upset." 
 
In the previous Upper House election in 2004, Minshuto and the SDP 
joined hands. Also helped by a favorable wind to them due to pension 
reform and unpaid insurance premium problems, their candidate 
defeated the LDP-backed candidate. The Matsuura camp aimed to 
stage-manage an election focusing on pensions again. In a speech in 
support of Matsuura, Minshuto Acting President Naoto Kan emphasized 
that the outcome of the upcoming Upper House election will be an 
election to choose a party in power in effect, remarking: "Please 
give us a change to take over the political reins." 
 
LDP member Kotaro Nogami, in an effort to secure a reelection 
chance, raised his voice: "I would like to devote myself for the 
sake of Japan and Toyama." Observers see that moves of those 
supportive of Lower House member Tamisuke Watanuki, People's New 
Party president coming from Toyama, hold the key to the outcome in 
the Toyama constituency. Watanuki left the LDP in 2005 after voting 
against the postal privatization bill. 
 
Watanuki categorically said: "I have no intention of supporting the 
LDP-endorsed candidate." The LDP Toyama chapter, though, is 
maneuvering to dividing the Watanuki-support bloc by drawing in 
prefectural assembly members close to Watanuki and to have them vote 
for Nogami. Watanuki held his gathering simultaneously when the LDP 
prefectural chapter held a meeting. This was a test to check the 
prefectural assembly members' loyalty to him. The tug-of-war is 
already heating up between Watanuki and the LDP prefectural 
chapter. 
 
Takashi Morita, a doctor and an independent new-face candidate 
recommended by Minshuto and the SDP, emphasized in a street-corner 
speech on the afternoon of June 10: "I would like to start my life 
as a politician with the task of reforming medical systems in 
Toyama." The Morita camp has also turned its attention to "Watanuki 
votes." The Morita camp established a political group calling itself 
"medical and welfare revitalization conference" with the Rengo 
Toyama and other groups, in a bid to dilute the policy imprint of 
any specific political party so that Watanuki, who is opposed to 
cooperation with the SDP, finds it easier to extend cooperation to 
Morita. 
 
Lower House member Muneaki Murai, a Minshuto Toyama prefectural 
branch president, said: "The total number of votes cast for the 
candidate backed by Minshuto and another by the SDP in the 2004 
Upper House election was larger than that for the LDP candidate. If 
"Watanuki votes are added to this, we will be able to win the 
election." The success or failure of joint struggles in both the 
ruling and opposition camps will affect the outcome of the battles 
in constituencies. 
 
(2) Ozawa-led Minshuto to focus on three points to win single seats 
in Upper House election 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Abridged) 
June 13, 2007 
 
Munshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) President Ichiro Ozawa, holding 
a press conference in Kanazawa City yesterday, announced that his 
party would field Yasuo Ichikawa for the Ishikawa electoral district 
 
TOKYO 00002691  003 OF 007 
 
 
in the upcoming House of Councillors election. The major opposition 
party has now completed determining its candidates for the 
single-seat electoral districts that number 29. The lineup of the 
candidates clearly reflects the innovative ideas of Ozawa, the 
election campaign artisan. 
 
Name recognition 
 
Since becoming party head, Ozawa has traveled across Japan searching 
for "winning horses," even while the Diet was in session. As a 
result, the party has managed to pick 21 Minshuto candidates and 
seven joint candidates for the 28 single-seat districts, excluding 
Oita where the prefectural chapter will effectively back an 
independent. 
 
It is particularly noteworthy that of those candidates, five 
individuals, who failed to win seats in the 2005 House of 
Representatives election, will seek Upper House seats in Ishikawa, 
Fukui, Nara, Tottori, and Kumamoto. "Strong political foundations 
and name recognition are essential to win seats after a short 
campaign period," Ozawa explained. 
 
Ozawa apparently picked those former Lower House lawmakers with high 
name recognition and organizational strength for rural areas that 
are traditional Liberal Democratic Party bastions even though he 
knew that changing hats could draw fire. 
 
The party will again field those who unsuccessfully ran in the 2004 
Upper House race in four electoral districts: Yamagata, Kagawa, 
Saga, and Kagoshima. In Yamagata, Kagawa, and Saga in the previous 
race, those candidates collected about 90% of votes to the winners 
backed by the ruling block. 
 
Joining efforts 
 
Minshuto and other opposition parties will jointly field one out of 
four candidates. 
 
The party will back independent candidates with other parties, 
including the Social Democratic Party, in Akita, Toyama, Ehime, 
Miyazaki, and Okinawa, and will support the People's New Party (PNP) 
candidates in Gunma and Shimane. Ozawa's strategy is to join efforts 
with other opposition parties in electoral districts with weak 
Minshuto foundations in order to increase the opposition block's 
strength as a whole. 
 
The problem is that the PNP might opt to join the ruling bloc after 
the election. 
 
Freshness 
 
By age, Minshuto candidates includes 12 individuals in their 
forties, seven in their thirties, and three in their sixties. In 
contrast, LDP candidates include eight in their sixties and two in 
their seventies. 
 
The LDP will field one female candidate, whereas Minshuto will back 
six. Minshuto is apparently focused on freshness and female voters. 
 
(3) Hiranuma's political presence increasing 
 
SANKEI (Page 5) (Abridged slightly) 
June 14, 2007 
 
TOKYO 00002691  004 OF 007 
 
 
 
Former Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Takeo Hiranuma, who made 
a political comeback in May after having been hospitalized due to a 
stroke late last year, has fully resumed his political activities. 
For instance, he launched yesterday a nonpartisan group of lawmakers 
who are demanding that undue photographs be removed from 
anti-Japanese war memorial halls in China. A book he has written, 
Seiji Bushido (Political Bushido) will be published on June 21 by 
the PHP Institute. Hiranuma's presence is increasing as a 
"conservative star." 
 
"Establishing friendly relations with China takes mutual 
understanding. Looking at history correctly is essential, but we 
cannot allow the government to imbue people with wrong historical 
views." 
 
At the group's inaugural meeting, held in the Diet building 
yesterday, Hiranuma spoke fervently, albeit hoarsely, for about 
three minutes. 
 
On the membership list were 42 lawmakers, including Liberal 
Democratic Party Policy Research Council Chairman Shoichi Nakagawa, 
former Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura, and the People's New 
Party Representative Shizuka Kamei. The group intends to thoroughly 
examine photographs and other items on display at anti-Japanese war 
memorials across China and demand anti-Japanese photos that are 
based on factual errors be removed. 
 
Hiranuma, who feels that from the hospitalization, he has learned to 
look at things from all angles instead of just following his 
instincts, has decided to focus on the revitalization of 
conservatism. 
 
Looking back at such events as the Diet dissolution over postal 
reform, the reinstatement of postal rebels, and his political 
comeback, Hiranuma in his book Seiji Bushido lambastes former Prime 
Minister Junichiro Koizumi's political approach and the introduction 
of the US-model market economy. 
 
A Hiranuma-led nonpartisan group of lawmakers called, "forum to 
build a correct Japan," and a book, Nihon no Seidou (Right way for 
Japan) coauthored by journalist Yoshiko Sakurai and Kyoto University 
Prof. Terumasa Nakanishi, also emphasize the importance of 
conservatism based on Japan's traditions, history, and culture. 
 
Although Hiranuma is critical of the current LDP policy line, he has 
expressed support for Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's constitutional and 
educational reform plans. Many LDP lawmakers are supportive of both 
Hiranuma and Abe. "Depending on how the upcoming Upper House 
election turns out, Hiranuma's moves might trigger another political 
realignment," a former cabinet minister said. 
 
(4) Not possible for SDF to protect US vessels navigating far away 
from Japan under individual self-defense right 
 
YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full) 
June 12, 2007 
 
The Council for Reconstructing the Legal Base for National Security, 
a blue-ribbon government panel, on June 11 started to discuss four 
national security cases as requested by Prime Minister Abe. On the 
question of protecting US ships, one of the four cases, many members 
of the panel during the discussion yesterday called for a review of 
 
TOKYO 00002691  005 OF 007 
 
 
the government's current interpretation of the Constitution banning 
Japan from exercising the right to collective self-defense. The 
panel plans to form a report after discussing three other cases, as 
well. 
 
The four cases the prime minister asked the panel to examine are: 
(1) Self-Defense Forces (SDF) vessels carrying out joint drills with 
US vessels on the high seas defending the US ships should they come 
under attack; (2) intercepting with the missile defense (MD) system 
enemy ballistic missiles heading toward the United States; (3) the 
SDF defending troops of another country if they came under attack 
during international peacekeeping operations; and (4) providing 
logistic support that would include weapons transport. 
 
In the session yesterday, the first case, defending US ships, was 
discussed with consideration given to such factors as the situation 
at that time and the distance from the US vessels. 
 
For example, on the question of the repelling an attack against US 
warships operating in the defense of Japan, the government's 
position is that such would "fall under self-defense" as then 
Defense Agency Director-General Kazuo Tanigawa said in his Diet 
replies in 1983. The government believes it possible to protect US 
vessels by exercising the right to individual self-defense. 
 
The discussions yesterday dealt with what Japan could do if US 
warships came under attack on the high seas in the event of a 
contingency near Japan, for instance, on the Korean Peninsula prior 
to any attack on Japan, or in joint exercises during peacetime. In 
the case of joint exercises, because each ship navigates dozens of 
kilometers away from another, "The comic-book case of the SDF 
striking back after mistakenly taking a missile attack against a US 
vessel nearby as an attack on the SDF itself' will not occur," noted 
Takushoku University Prof. Satoshi Morimoto. 
 
Many council members shared the view that the act of Japan defending 
its ally's ships when Japan itself was not under attacked is not 
justifiable unless the right to collective self-defense is used. 
"his case should not be handled by stretching the right to 
individual self-defense," one member said. They insisted on the need 
to review the current government's interpretation of the 
Constitution. One member even opined: "It's only natural to defend 
our ally's warships, but don't you think we also need to include 
other friendly nations, like Australia?" 
 
On the other hand, as to the question of allowing the exercise of 
the right to collective self-defense, on member contended: "We need 
to discuss some kind of mechanism to avoid our country becoming 
involved in an unwanted war." 
 
A certain council member argued that Japan be allowed to use the 
right to collective self-defense within a necessary minimum range in 
preparation for an unexpected contingency. He noted: "Generally, the 
US military will not ask for help from Japan, but the case is 
conceivable in which North Korea fires more missiles than the US had 
expected. In that case, US vessels may need to be escorted by SDF 
ships." 
 
After examining similar patterns, the council plans to sort out the 
problem areas and produce a report. But already, calls for reviewing 
the current interpretation of the Constitution are arising. 
 
(5) Commentary: Space plan fails to specify future vision 
 
TOKYO 00002691  006 OF 007 
 
 
 
YOMIURI (Page 15) (Full) 
June 13, 2007 
 
Keiko Chino, senior writer 
 
The Space Activities Commission (SAC), a government panel under the 
Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology 
(MEXT), has released its draft long-term plan for the next 10 years. 
Meanwhile, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and its coalition 
partner, New Komeito, will present a space bill to the Diet next 
week in order for Japan to push ahead with space development as a 
national strategy. After the bill is enacted into law, the 
government will likely review its long-term plan itself. 
 
 
On May 31, SAC released an outline of its draft long-term plan for 
Japan's space development. The government is expected to adopt it in 
a cabinet meeting to be held in January next year or later. 
 
The Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA), Japan's only space 
development entity, will pursue its goals and projects over the 
period of 10 fiscal years from 2008 in line with the plan. In other 
words, the outline is to make public what kind of space activities 
Japan is going to tackle over the next 10 years. However, the 
outline is unclear in that respect. 
 
The outline describes something we may have to know about the space 
bill before it is brought before the Diet. To begin with, the 
outline says Japan's space development is intended for "national 
security," adding that Japan's space activities "purport to play a 
certain role in Japan's crisis management and comprehensive security 
setup, including measures to deal with natural calamities." 
 
In addition, the outline also refers to "strategic technologies 
closely related to Japan's diplomacy and security." In this respect, 
the outline stresses the need for Japan to revamp its space 
activities in the diplomatic and security areas. 
 
But when it comes to key projects, the outline looks like a showcase 
of what Japan has done in the past, showing no future vision. 
 
For instance, the outline cites a quasi-zenith satellite system 
(QZSS) for global positioning. The government has now decided to 
launch Japan's first quasi-zenith satellite. However, Japan needs 
two more quasi-zenith satellites for its QZSS operation. The 
question is what to do about this project that has been left pending 
since last year. However, the outline says nothing about it. The 
outline also touches on lunar and other planet explorations, but it 
does not specify what to do about these projects. It only refers to 
these projects as "challenges to be studied from now on." This 
wording makes us feel uneasy as we see the United States, China, and 
India heading for the moon as their national strategies. 
 
What lies behind that is the government's intent to leave the job to 
the "Space Strategy Headquarters" to be set up after the space bill 
is enacted into law. In the case of SAC and JAXA as well, their 
organizations and roles are also highly likely to be reviewed. That 
is why "Japan can do nothing unless the bill is enacted into law," 
and Japan's space development has been at a standstill since the LDP 
began its study of a space law in December 2005. 
 
However, JAXA is a standalone body. JAXA therefore needs to map out 
 
TOKYO 00002691  007 OF 007 
 
 
a midterm goal and plan every five years. Its current midterm goal 
and plan are to terminate in March next year. That is why SAC had to 
create an unclear future plan failing to come up with specifics. 
 
The LDP says the Space Strategy Headquarters should be tasked with 
creating such a future plan after a space law comes into effect. One 
of SAC's members also says the long-term space development plan is 
for the government to study. This SAC member added, "If there is a 
gap with the strategy, we will modify the plan." 
 
Space development needs public support. However, a long-term plan 
that is ready to change will end up with public confusion. Whatever 
may be in store for the bill, SAC, as an advisory panel of experts, 
should earnestly come up with suggestions in concrete terms about 
technology development needed in the future. 
 
Also, given the time limit for JAXA's midterm goal and plan, the 
governing party must have been aware of such an outcome. Japan's 
space development has not made headway. This has been ascribed to 
bureaucratic sectionalism that stands in the way of the government's 
decision-making process. One of the space legislation's purposes is 
to rectify this under the political initiative. One of those 
concerned has voiced dissatisfaction, noting that the government has 
been belated in its decision-making and Japan has therefore been 
falling behind in space development. The question is how to get 
Japan's space development back into shape-and how to make it visible 
in the public eye. Politics will be put to the test of its ability. 
 
SCHIEFFER