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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 002025 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/07/07 
 
 
(18) Poll: 270 candidates ready to run in this summer's Upper House 
election 
 
(19) Poll on Abe cabinet, political parties (Nihon Keizai) 2 
 
(20) Poll on Abe cabinet, political parties (Mainichi) 3 
 
(21) Majority of Japan War-Bereaved Association amenable to 
unenshrinement of Class-A war criminals from Yasukuni, perhaps 
affected by Emperor Showa's expression of "displeasure" 4 
 
(22) Interview with Vice Defense Minister Moriya on North Korea: 
Japan needs to obtain US confirmation of "nuclear umbrella" 5 
 
(23) Peace and self-defense: 60th anniversary of Constitution; 
Protecting US warships clashes with Article 9; US asks for 
cooperation in dealing with DPRK missiles; Abe's effort to change 
constitutional interpretation gaining momentum 5 
 
(24) IPCC report specifies costs needed to cut CO2 emissions, giving 
momentum to debate on global-warming countermeasures 7 
 
(25) Japan, ASEAN reach agreement in principle to sign EPA: 90% of 
tariffs to be abolished 8 
 
(26) Wavering US policy-From the scene of security (Part 3): Across 
the Pacific; Japan as outpost for US military to expand its 
engagement in Asia 8 
 
(Corrected copy) Yohei Kono should admit that the political decision 
on "comfort women" was a mistake 9 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(18) Poll: 270 candidates ready to run in this summer's Upper House 
election 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Top Play) (Full) 
May 4, 2007 
 
The expectation is that unless the current regular Diet session is 
extended, the official campaign for the 21st House of Councillors 
election will begin on July 5 and the voting will take place on July 
¶22. According to the survey by the Tokyo Shimbun as of May 3, 270 
candidates are now ready to run, seeking the 121 seats up for grabs 
in the July Upper House election. The 121 include 47 
prefecture-level-constituency seats and proportional representation 
seats. Both ruling and opposition parties will file their candidates 
in almost all constituencies. All political parties began getting 
ready to fight in the Upper House race soon after the April unified 
local elections ended, electing new municipal assembly members who 
will actively support the campaigning for the Upper House election. 
 
The (121) seats not up for reelection include 58 held by the ruling 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), its coalition partner New Komeito, 
and minor groups, and 63 held by the opposition bloc. The highlight 
of the upcoming election is whether the ruling camp or the 
opposition will secure a majority in the Upper House. In order to 
get a majority, the ruling coalition needs to win at least 64 seats, 
while the opposition needs 59. The ruling and opposition parties 
will engage in fierce competition, setting low thresholds for 
victory. 
 
TOKYO 00002025  002 OF 011 
 
 
 
The Upper House race will be the first major national election for 
the Abe administration, which was inaugurated last September. Prime 
Minister Shinzo Abe, who has pushed ahead with constitutional and 
education reforms, as well as reform of the civil servant system in 
order to break away from the postwar regime, will receive the 
judgment of the people. The main opposition party, Minshuto 
(Democratic Party of Japan), has positioned the election as a 
decisive battle for a change of government. Party head Ichiro 
Ozawa's political skills are being tested. 
 
The LDP will field its own candidates in 46 prefectural 
constituencies, excluding Gifu. The party will sponsor one of the 
postal rebels as a candidate in the Gifu constituency. The largest 
opposition party is ready to endorse as its official candidates or 
sponsor candidates for 42 prefectures, excluding Ishikawa, Shimane, 
and Miyazaki. The party intends to wrap up the selection of 
candidates and coordination possibly before the end of May. 
Considering that 29 "single seats" up for grabs hold the key to 
victory in the election, the LDP aims to win 20 seats, while 
Minshuto wants to secure 15. 
 
(19) Poll on Abe cabinet, political parties (Nihon Keizai) 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) 
April 30, 2007 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage. Parentheses denote findings from the 
last survey conducted in March.) 
 
Q: Do you support the Abe cabinet? 
 
Yes                                      53       (43) 
No                                       37       (45) 
Can't say (C/S) + don't know (D/K)       11       (12) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support or like now? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)                    43       (41) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto)       21       (18) 
New Komeito (NK)                                   6        (4) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP)                     4        (5) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto)          3        (2) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto)         0        (0) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon)            0        (0) 
Other political parties                            0        (1) 
None                                              20       (25) 
C/S+D/K                                            4        (4) 
 
(Note) The total percentage does not become 100% in some cases due 
to rounding. 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was taken April 27-29 by Nikkei 
Research Inc. over the telephone on a random digit dialing (RDD) 
basis. For the survey, samples were chosen from among men and women 
aged 20 and over across the nation. A total of 1,559 households with 
one or more voters were sampled, and answers were obtained from 865 
persons (55.5% ). 
 
(20) Poll on Abe cabinet, political parties (Mainichi) 
 
 
TOKYO 00002025  003 OF 011 
 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full) 
April 30, 2007 
 
Questions & Answers 
(T = total; P = previous; M = male; F = female) 
 
Q: Do you support the Abe cabinet? 
 
                      T         P         M        F 
Yes                  43       (35)       42       44 
No                   33       (42)       40       28 
Not interested       23       (22)       18       27 
 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the above question) Why? 
 
       T       P       M       F 
Because the prime minister is from the Liberal Democratic Party 
 
14       (20)       18       11 
Because something can be expected of the prime minister's leadership 
 
15       (10)       20       11 
Because there's a young, fresh image about the prime minister 
 
46       (51)       37       52 
Because something can be expected of the prime minister's policy 
measures 
21       (17)       19       22 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the above question) Why? 
 
       T       P       M       F 
Because the prime minister is from the Liberal Democratic Party 
 
11       (6)       11       10 
Because nothing can be expected of the prime minister's leadership 
 
41       (53)       36       46 
Because the prime minister is inexperienced, weak 
13       (19)       11       15 
Because I'm opposed to the prime minister's policies 
32       (21)       36       27 
 
Q: Which political party do you support? 
 
       T       P       M       F 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 
29       (27)       30       27 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 
16       (14)       21       13 
New Komeito (NK) 
5       (5)       2       7 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 
2       (3)       1       3 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 
1       (2)       1       1 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 
1       (0)       1       0 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 
 --       (0)       --       -- 
Other political parties 
 
TOKYO 00002025  004 OF 011 
 
 
1       (2)       2       1 
None 
42       (47)       38       46 
 
Q: Which political party between the LDP and the DPJ would you like 
to see win in this summer's election for the House of Councillors? 
 
                               T       P       M        F 
LDP                           38              38       39 
DPJ                           36              45       30 
Other political parties       18              12       23 
 
(Note) Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. "0" indicates that 
the figure was below 0.5%. "--" denotes that no respondents 
answered. "No answer" omitted. Figures in parentheses denote the 
results of the last survey conducted March 24-25. 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted April 28-29 over the 
telephone with the aim of calling a total of 1,000 voters across the 
nation on a computer-aided random digit sampling (RDS) basis. 
Answers were obtained from 1,085 persons. 
 
(21) Majority of Japan War-Bereaved Association amenable to 
unenshrinement of Class-A war criminals from Yasukuni, perhaps 
affected by Emperor Showa's expression of "displeasure" 
 
MAINICHI (Page 1) (Excerpts) 
May 6, 2007 
 
Takenori Noguchi 
 
The Japan War-Bereaved Association, whose chair is Makoto Koga, 
former secretary-general of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party 
(LDP), will hold a first study session at the Kudan Kaikan Hall in 
Tokyo's Chiyoda Ward on May 8 to discuss the question of separate 
enshrinement of Class-A war criminals and other issues. A series of 
revelations of the Emperor Showa's remarks and historical documents, 
which have both showed that the Emperor Showa was displeased with 
the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals at Yasukuni Shrine, have 
fueled the association's tilt toward allowing separate enshrinement. 
At this point a majority of the study group favors separate 
enshrinement. If the study sessions continue, it is expected that 
the conclusion will be to countenance separate enshrinement. 
Yasukuni Shrine has rejected separate enshrinement, but once the 
association adopts a policy for separate enshrinement, the shrine 
will be forced to make a decision on the matter. 
 
Last July, former Imperial Household Grand Steward Tomohiko Tomita's 
memos containing the Emperor Showa's remarks "Class A-war criminals 
were enshrined.... Since then I have never visited Yasukuni Shrine" 
were disclosed. Following it, as recently as this April, a diary 
written by former Chamberlain to the Emperor Ryogo Urabe became 
known. The diary backed up the Tomita memo, saying the reason why 
the Emperor stopped visiting the shrine was "because the Emperor was 
dissatisfied with the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals at 
Yasukuni." This revelation shook the association. 
 
(22) Interview with Vice Defense Minister Moriya on North Korea: 
Japan needs to obtain US confirmation of "nuclear umbrella" 
 
YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full) 
May 4, 2007 
 
TOKYO 00002025  005 OF 011 
 
 
 
Interviewer: Tatsuya Fukumoto 
 
Over the past 20 years Japan has prepared a variety of laws to meet 
the changing security environment. The primary task facing Japan at 
present is to rebuild the country into a "crisis-resistant state" 
that can cope with such crises as massive terrorist attacks, big 
earthquakes, and destructive activities by armed guerillas. Next, 
Japan needs to establish a system enabling it to respond properly 
under the framework of the alliance with the United States in the 
event it is attacked by such means as ballistic missiles, suspicious 
ships, or guerillas. Specifically, Japan and the US should work out 
joint operation plans, and in addition, the two countries should 
carry out joint drills, check the effectiveness of joint operation 
plans, and revise them as the need arises. South Korea confirms 
through joint drills with the US that it can properly cope with a 
North Korean invasion. Japan also needs to do the same. 
 
I think Japan needs to keep it in mind that when the US has to 
concentrate its forces in the Middle East, as it is having a hard 
time in Iraq, it is difficult for the US to conduct operations on 
two fronts (namely, contingencies involving Japan and the Korean 
Peninsula). Japan needs to make efforts to defend itself instead of 
criticizing the US. Any country that depends on others from the 
beginning is not viewed as a reliable country in the international 
community. 
 
The most important thing for Japan, a country that has the three 
nonnuclear principles and that depends on the US for its nuclear 
deterrent, is to make relations with the US reliable and its nuclear 
deterrent feasible. To that end, Japan must elicit America's real 
intentions about its nuclear weapons at a time when Japan and the US 
carry out joint operation plans. If Japan can actually do so, Japan 
can see whether its dependence on America's nuclear deterrent can be 
kept in place as a policy. 
 
Ahead of doing so, Japan has things to do, namely, building up 
defense capability and put it into operation. In other words, Japan 
must continue efforts to work out plans and carry out training. 
Debate in Japan is still theoretical. We must examine even the three 
nonnuclear principles in order to meet the needs of the times. For 
example, one such principle is not to introduce any nuclear weapons 
onto Japan's territory. One may say, "Introducing such weapons in 
our territory is not so bad." But before saying so, I think it is 
important for Japan to verify together with the US whether we can 
keep in place the policy of depending on America's nuclear 
deterrent. 
 
(23) Peace and self-defense: 60th anniversary of Constitution; 
Protecting US warships clashes with Article 9; US asks for 
cooperation in dealing with DPRK missiles; Abe's effort to change 
constitutional interpretation gaining momentum 
 
MAINICHI (Top play) (Full) 
May 5, 2007 
 
A panel of experts to study the legal foundation for security -- a 
group reporting to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe regarding a review of 
the interpretation of the Constitution -- is scheduled to hold its 
inaugural meeting on May 18. The panel is tasked with studying four 
types of SDF activities that might infringe on Article 9 of the 
Constitution with the aim of producing its conclusion by September. 
 
TOKYO 00002025  006 OF 011 
 
 
Based on their conclusion, Prime Minister Abe is expected to make a 
political decision in the end. It has been 60 years since the 
Constitution of Japan took effect. This article examines 
developments concerning the peace and self-defense of Japan, which 
are now at a major turning point. 
 
Is the Maritime Self-Defense Force allowed to protect US warships on 
the high seas? 
 
The topic has repeatedly been discussed for over a half-century 
since the SDF's establishment, suspecting that such an act 
constitutes an exercise of the right to collective self-defense, 
which is prohibited under the government's interpretation of the 
Constitution. Coming up with an answer to this classic question has 
been a pressing issue for the Japan-US alliance, which has been on 
alert against North Korean missiles. 
 
North Korea launched seven ballistic missiles toward the Sea of 
Japan last July. Noticing signs of the North Korean missile launches 
through its spy satellite, the US military immediately deployed the 
USS Fitzgerald and Curtis Wilbur - Aegis equipped destroyers 
integrated into a missile defense (MD) system - of the Seventh Fleet 
to waters near Japan to monitor the North's moves. Carrying 
high-performance radar capable of acquiring over 200 targets and 
simultaneously attacking more than 10, they are powerful vessels. 
 
They have a weak point, however. The radar's undivided attention in 
one direction for a possible missile launch several hundred 
kilometers away would leave the vessels largely defenseless against 
threats from other directions. Approaching spy ships are 
unnoticeable to the warships. 
 
Under usual circumstances, US warships protect Aegis vessels. What 
took place last July was a contingency. "We are here to defend 
Japan. It is natural for MSDF vessels to defend US warships." This 
reaction from the US military took Japan by surprise. Defending US 
vessels might be an exercise of the right to collective defense. 
 
"Until then, neither Japan nor the US envisaged such a case," a 
senior Defense Ministry official noted. Needs resulting from the 
Japan-US alliance clashed with the principle prescribed in Article 
¶9. 
 
Washington wondered why Japan, despite having the world's top 
equipment, was not able to defend US warships. Washington was highly 
alarmed by Japan's constitutional constraints that stood in the way 
of the bilateral plan to complete the MD system in five year. The US 
Defense Department conveyed the problem to Ambassador to Japan 
Thomas Schieffer. In a series of behind-the-scenes talks with Japan, 
Washington has urged Tokyo to allow the SDF to defend US Aegis 
vessels as part of the MD system in national contingencies. A set of 
reports has reached Prime Minister Abe as well. 
 
Abe has put the matter at the top of the agenda for the expert 
council tasked with studying the interpretation of Article 9. The 
North Korean crisis has pushed the Abe administration toward a 
review of the government's conventional interpretation of the 
Constitution. 
 
As far as military drills are concerned, the SDF and US forces in 
Japan have been highly integrated. For instance, the two countries 
conducted a joint exercise on the US aircraft carrier Abraham 
 
TOKYO 00002025  007 OF 011 
 
 
Lincoln when it navigated through the high seas off Kyushu and 
Okinawa on March 21-23, 2006. The MSDF Aegis destroyer Kirishima 
took the command of the entire drill. The scenario was for the 
Kirishima to protect the Abraham Lincoln by taking air defense 
command, issuing orders to the carrier-borne US fighters and for 
launching missiles. The US Navy and Japan's MSDF share information 
via the inter-computer data exchange system called Link 16, which 
has been technically trouble-free. The Japan-US military alliance 
has come this far against a backdrop of the ongoing constitutional 
debate. 
 
(24) IPCC report specifies costs needed to cut CO2 emissions, giving 
momentum to debate on global-warming countermeasures 
 
MAINICHI (Page 3) (Excerpts) 
May 5, 2007 
 
The (three) working groups of the United Nations' Intergovernmental 
Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released their fourth reports 
yesterday. Chairman Pachauri commented: "The reports propose 
specific countermeasures, and this will surely have a significant 
impact on future international negotiations." The reports announced 
yesterday offer a roadmap and specify the costs needed to cut 
greenhouse gas emissions. The most noticeable point in the report is 
the clarification of projected costs needed to reduce greenhouse gas 
emissions, given such crises facing the world as sharply increasing 
natural disasters apparently caused by global warming. 
 
70% cut in emissions possible by investing 1% of GDP 
 
A study team of the National Institute for Environmental Studies and 
other organizations made a tentative calculation of costs needed for 
Japan to significantly reduce its greenhouse gas emissions and 
released the findings this February: If Japan continually invested 
the equivalent of about 1% of its gross domestic product (GDP) in 
developing technologies to reduce carbon dioxide (CO2), the nation 
would be able to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 70% by 2050. 
Setting nearly 10,000 yen at the maximum as the total cost needed to 
cut a ton of CO2 emissions, the report notes: "This figure is not 
especially higher than that of other countries." 
 
"For climatic stabilization, the world is required to halve CO2 
emissions from the current level by 2050. Industrialized countries 
need to cut such emissions by 60% to 80%." Based on this assumption, 
the study group conducted studies and looked into the possibility of 
whether Japan would be able to achieve a 70% reduction. 
 
The panel envisioned various scenarios about Japanese society in 
2050, for instance, a society in which priority is given to economic 
and technological development (GDP growth per capita at 2% ; 
population at 95 million) or a society with priority given to 
regional economic growth and natural conservation (GDP growth per 
capita at 1% ; population at 100 million). The panel then considered 
what technologies should apply in each case. 
 
As a result of case studies, the panel concluded that it would be 
possible to meet the goal of a 70% cut if Japan invests mainly in 
developing large-scale technologies to generate nuclear power and to 
dump or store CO2 in the ground in an economic-development-oriented 
society and chiefly in developing technologies to generate renewable 
energy, such as biomass energy, in a regional development-oriented 
society. 
 
TOKYO 00002025  008 OF 011 
 
 
 
The panel estimates the total sum of necessary investment funds in 
2050 at 6.7 to 9.8 trillion yen annually, or about 1% of GDP. When 
possible profits taken into consideration, such as cuts in cost due 
to reduced oil demand, the actual total amount is calculated to be 
0.7 to 1.8 trillion yen. 
 
Mizuho Information Research Institute senior manager Hibino, a study 
team member, said: "Some complain that it is overly expensive in 
Japan to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, but it has been found that 
it would be possible to reduce emissions at almost the same cost 
cited in the IPCC report. It is imperative for Japan to take 
countermeasures from a long-term point of view." 
 
(25) Japan, ASEAN reach agreement in principle to sign EPA: 90% of 
tariffs to be abolished 
 
ASAHI (Page 1) (Excerpts) 
May 5, 2007 
 
Japan and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on May 
4 held an economic ministerial meeting in Bandar Seri Begawan, 
Brunei, and agreed in principle to liberalize trade in goods, a 
central part of the economic partnership agreement (EPA), regarding 
which talks are now underway. Once such an agreement is reached, 
Japan will abolish 92% of tariffs on trade items in terms of import 
value, and ASEAN will scrap 90% of tariffs in the same terms. Both 
parties will decide on items subject to liberalization and sign an 
EPA, which will also incorporate liberalization in investment and 
services, in August with the aim of enacting it next year. 
 
This will be Japan's first EPA with a regional association. The pact 
is expected to move forward economic integration with ASEAN. Japan's 
trade with ASEAN accounted for about 13% in 2006 in terms of value. 
Tariffs will be removed over a period of 10 years once the pact is 
enacted. Coordination is underway with the possibility of allowing 
Vietnam, Cambodia, Burma and Laos - the least developed ASEAN 
members - to extend the deadline up to five years. 
 
Japan will designate 1% of its import amount as an exceptional area 
and impose tariff caps on the remaining 7%. ASEAN is increasing its 
call for further concessions. Chances are, therefore, the percentage 
of items subject to tariff abolition may be increased from 92%. 
 
If trade with ASEAN is liberalized, the current division of labor, 
in which ASEAN members manufacture final products using basic parts 
developed and produced in Japan and distribute them in the region, 
will become tariff-free, enhancing the cost competitiveness of 
Japanese manufacturers of such products as electronics and 
automobiles. ASEAN hopes to see Japan expand investment in the 
region. 
 
(26) Wavering US policy-From the scene of security (Part 3): Across 
the Pacific; Japan as outpost for US military to expand its 
engagement in Asia 
 
KANAGAWA SHIMBUN (Page 4) (Full) 
March 29, 2007 
 
Yuki Takahashi, Masao Ishio 
 
In the State of Washington is a US Navy base. This US naval base is 
 
TOKYO 00002025  009 OF 011 
 
 
called Naval Air Station Whidhey Island, or NAS Whidhey Island for 
short. In late February, NAS Whidhey Island briefed its neighbors on 
a plan to replace aircraft based there. 
 
NAS Whidhey Island keeps an eye on the Pacific Ocean, with P-3C 
antisubmarine patrol planes currently stationed there. The US Navy 
is planning to replace them with the P-8A, a jet plane equipped with 
state-of-the-art surveillance functions. "The noise situation is 
expected to change," says a US Navy officer of the base. "So," this 
officer added, "we've got to explain the plan in detail to local 
communities." P-8As may be deployed in rotation to Misawa or 
Kadena. 
 
Along with the planned realignment of US Forces Japan (USFJ), the US 
military will now step up its functions on the Pacific front, 
starting this year. The US Army's 1st Corps, also known as I Corps, 
is currently headquartered at a base in Fort Lewis in Washington. 
The I Corps will also move its headquarters. Its planned command 
move to Camp Zama, a US Army base in Kanagawa Prefecture, is 
expected to begin within the year. 
 
"They also want to deepen their understanding of Asian societies and 
cultures," says one US expert. Along with USFJ realignment, US 
Forces Korea (USFK), which is now realigning its footprint in South 
Korea, is also presumed to come under the Zama command of I Corps 
after its right to command during emergencies is returned to the 
South Korean forces. 
 
"Let us create friendship across the Pacific," I Corps Commander 
Dubick stressed. Commander Dubick was addressing Japanese and 
American troops participating in an annual session of Japan-US joint 
bilateral training exercises held in February this year at a Ground 
Self-Defense Force Middle Army range in Hyogo Prefecture with I 
Corps troops also participating. In the joint drills this time, the 
GSDF and the US Army also carried out civil-military coordination 
training for the first time in anticipation of public protection 
during emergencies. 
 
In recent years, the US military has been deepening its civil 
engagement in Asia. In February, the USS Blue Ridge, the flagship of 
the US Navy's 7th Fleet based at Yokosuka, visited the Philippines, 
where its crew was engaged in school repairs. "In the Asia-Pacific 
region, there are a number of countries that have islands or long 
coastlines. In the region, the Navy is best qualified to promote 
peace through friendship." So saying, an official of the US Pacific 
Fleet at its headquarters in Hawaii boasted of the US Navy's role. 
 
Shackled by difficult problems in the Middle East, the United States 
is reportedly prone to maintain its Asia strategy as is. However, 
Pacific stability is becoming a matter of life or death for the 
United States in its expanded trade with Asia. Above all, the 
question of how to cope with China's military emergence in the 
region is the biggest challenge to cope with for the present. The 
United States wants to maintain its readiness and influence in the 
Asia-Pacific region. The US military's logistical outposts in 
Kanagawa Prefecture-such as Yokosuka, Zama, and Sagami Depot-will 
inevitably weigh more than ever with the United States. 
 
However, some people in the United States are warning Japan and the 
United States against pushing ahead with only their bilateral 
alliance. In February, former US Deputy Secretary of State Armitage 
and his policy study group released a report on the Japan-US 
 
TOKYO 00002025  010 OF 011 
 
 
alliance. That report suggested the necessity of trilateral 
cooperation between Japan, the United States, and China, while 
urging China to become a "responsible stakeholder." 
 
"The alliance between Japan and the United States is important," 
says Katy Oh, chief researcher at the Institute for Defense Analyses 
(IDA), a US think tank. "But," she adds, "if they push for the 
alliance too dramatically, neighbors could be put on edge." She also 
suggested the need for Japan and the United States to give careful 
explanations in the process of pushing for their alliance. In the 
way ahead, Japan and the United States are going to rebuild their 
alliance, with its foothold at US military bases in Kanagawa 
Prefecture. The two countries, however, will likely be called to 
heed a balance between their alliance in its future image and Asian 
neighbors. 
 
 (Corrected copy) Yohei Kono should admit that the political 
decision on "comfort women" was a mistake 
 
SANKEI (Page 5) (Full) 
May 2, 2007 
 
By Nobuaki Hanaoka, guest editorial board member 
 
Shinzo Abe's first visit to the United States as prime minister was 
taken as a trip for him to make an "apology" for the comfort women 
issue. We wonder why the person who made the prime minister play 
such a humiliating role refuses to talk about his own political 
responsibility. That person is House of Representatives Speaker 
Yohei Kono. 
 
It is widely known that the Kono Statement was issued by a political 
decision based on the request by South Korean authorities, who 
insisted that the bilateral dispute over history would be resolved 
if Japan admitted there was "coercion," without confirming whether 
the government had actually coerced foreign women (to become comfort 
women). 
 
The comfort-women resolution submitted to the US House of 
Representatives by Congressman Mike Honda was drafted based on the 
Kono Statement. Should the Congress adopt the resolution, the 
Japan-US relations will be immeasurably damaged, even though the 
resolution is nonbinding. We were amazed when Mike Honda described 
the comfort women the "largest example of human trafficking in the 
20th century." Since Honda is now known throughout the world, he 
will without a doubt be reelected. We see this as an odious saga of 
a politician who has placed priority on holding on to his seat in 
the Congress no matter how much he slanders another country. 
 
Because of Prime Minister Abe's visit, the situation has changed in 
the United States. In order to prevent the resolution from being 
adopted, however, Kono should admit that the political decision made 
at that time was a mistake (but he doesn't necessarily have to 
announce it). His actions would be complete if he stepped down from 
the Lower House speaker's post and gave up his Diet seat. If so, the 
US government's reaction would be completely changed. Kono would 
then be able to leave his mark on history as a former LDP president 
who saved the nation from a crisis. 
 
Major European and US news media (and Japanese correspondents) show 
a woeful lack of study. The Chinese and South Korean media think 
that hurling abuse purposely is reporting "news." That's nonsense. 
 
TOKYO 00002025  011 OF 011 
 
 
Chinese and South Korean media do not issue newspapers, but they 
publish "organ papers." Therefore, what we need to do is basically 
ignore them. 
 
I had no way to know or understand how terrible the media in 
democratic European countries and the United States are. If you add 
something about "Japan bashing," it sells. The western media lack 
the capability to consider how "war and sex" were handled in their 
own countries. 
 
It is only natural to give serious consideration to the many women 
who were forced into tragic situations during the war. However, many 
correspondents do now know even the basic facts: There existed 
legalized prostitution run by agents; soldiers paid money to the 
comfort women; and since there was a hygienic safety problem, the 
military for that reason oversaw the wartime brothels. This is the 
basis for the worldwide scale "crisis in the media." 
 
I have been a newspaper reporter for about some 30 years. I was 
taught that writing articles based on the facts is a very basic rule 
of news reporting. "Hunting down comfort women," "sexual slaves" and 
the like were fictional productions. If the European and US media 
come to realize that fact, they should issue "corrections." This is 
also a basic principle for the media. 
 
DONOVAN