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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 001657 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/16/07 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Upper House by-elections: Ruling and opposition candidates neck 
and neck in Okinawa; Minshuto enjoys lead in Fukushima 
 
(2) Prime Minister Abe: I will listens to views of local residents" 
on Futenma relocation 
 
(3) National referendum bill setting constitutional amendment 
procedures: Prime Minister Abe's arbitrary act might create rift 
between, LDP and New Komeito, even with Lower House approves the 
bill 
 
(4) Editorial: Decline of ODA; Maintain presence using various 
methods 
 
(5) Facts about SDF deployment in Iraq (Section 2); Thinking of SDF 
as Japan's new garrison-SDF in transformation (Part 4): Support 
pact-Integration going on with US military 
 
(6) Japan @ World by Yoichi Funabashi: Japan needs to be further 
involved in six-party talks 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Upper House by-elections: Ruling and opposition candidates neck 
and neck in Okinawa; Minshuto enjoys lead in Fukushima 
 
YOMIURI (Page 3) (Abridged) 
April 16, 2007 
 
The Yomiuri Shimbun conducted on April 15 telephone-based opinion 
surveys ahead of the April 22 Upper House by-elections in Okinawa 
and Fukushima prefectures. In Okinawa, Aiko Shimajiri (backed by the 
ruling Liberal Democratic Party and the New Komeito) and Yoshimasa 
Karimata (endorsed by the opposition Minshuto (Democratic Party of 
Japan), the Japanese Communist Party, the Social Democratic Party, 
and the People's New Party) are neck and neck. In Fukushima, 
LDP-backed Isamu Yamaguchi is closing the gap on Minshuto-endorsed 
Teruhiko Mashiko. Campaigning between the two camps is intensifying, 
as seen in frequent stumping tours by opposition party executives. 
 
Candidates in Fukushima 
 
7 Teruhiko Mashiko, 59, former Lower House lawmaker, endorsed by 
Minshuto 
7 Isamu Yamaguchi, 69, former prefectural assembly speaker, backed 
by LDP 
7 Shitsui Miyamoto, 54, former prefectural assembly member, endorsed 
by JCP 
 
Candidates in Okinawa 
 
7 Hiroyuki Kinjo, 68, company executive, independent 
7 Yoshimasa Karimata, 57, former Rengo (Japanese Trade Union 
Confederation) Okinawa chapter chairman, backed by Minshuto, JCP, 
SDP, and PNP 
7 Aiko Shimajiri, 42, former Naha city assembly member, endorsed by 
LDP and New Komeito 
 
In the poll in Okinawa, a little less than 80 PERCENT  of LDP 
supporters and over 70 PERCENT  of New Komeito supporters said they 
would vote for Shimajiri. Slightly less than 90 PERCENT  of Minshuto 
 
TOKYO 00001657  002 OF 011 
 
 
supporters and nearly 70 PERCENT  of JCP and SDP backers indicated 
their intention to vote for Karimata. 
 
In Fukushima, Mashiko has consolidated over 70 PERCENT  of support 
among Minshuto backers. Yamaguchi has consolidated slightly less 
than 50 PERCENT  and 40 PERCENT  of support among LDP and New 
Komeito backers, respectively. 
 
The situation may change, as over 30 PERCENT  of respondents in 
Okinawa and about 50 PERCENT  of voters in Fukushima indicated that 
they have yet to decide whom they would vote for. In the survey 
conducted on randomly selected voters, respondents came from 1,052 
persons (59 PERCENT ) in Fukushima and 856 persons (50 PERCENT ) in 
Okinawa. 
 
Okinawa 
 
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited Okinawa yesterday to stump for 
Aiko Shimajiri in Naha, Urasoe, Okinawa, and even Miyako Island. At 
those places, Abe, clad in a laid-back Okinawa shirt, vowed to 
revitalize the local economy, playing up the positive results 
brought about the government's structural reform drive over the last 
six years. 
 
The LDP's failure to win the two by-elections would bode ill for the 
ruling coalition to secure a majority in the Upper House election 
this summer. Upper House LDP Caucus Chairman Mikio Aoki also decided 
at a pep rally in Naha on April 14 that the future of the LDP-New 
Komeito coalition and the Abe administration hinges on the results 
of the upcoming by-elections. LDP workers have been stationed in 
Okinawa, where Shimajiri and Karimata are competing with each other 
fiercely since early March to tighten the LDP's grip on local 
industrial associations. 
 
Minshuto President Ichiro Ozawa, his deputy Naoto Kan, and Secretary 
General Yukio Hatoyama also visited Naha yesterday to stump for 
Karimata to demonstrate the party's commitment to Okinawa. The three 
canvassed the city's downtown area for about half an hour along with 
SDP head Mizuho Fukushima and the PNP's Tamisuke Watanuki. 
 
Ozawa harshly criticized the ruling coalition, saying, "We need to 
put an end to this system which is harsh to the socially weak and to 
the rural areas." 
 
Minshuto intends to focus on correcting disparities among regions. 
This strategy comes from the party's failure to get its candidate 
elected in last year's Okinawa gubernatorial race. That candidate 
had called for an immediate closure of the US Marines' Futenma Air 
Station. 
 
The Minshuto Okinawa election campaign office also began 
full-fledged activities on April 13. Hatoyama and Kan pressed 
yesterday afternoon local campaign staffers to brace themselves for 
the upcoming race. 
 
Fukushima 
 
LDP Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa stumped yesterday for Isamu 
Yamaguchi in four places, including Iwaki and Shirakawa cities. 
Nakagawa played up the Abe administration's efforts to reform the 
economy to create a society where everyone shares the same pain, 
highlighting the need to have a ruling lawmaker for winning funds 
for public works projects there. 
 
TOKYO 00001657  003 OF 011 
 
 
 
LDP deputy secretaries general have made many trips to Fukushima to 
stump for Yamaguchi by putting LDP overtones to the forefront. 
Nakagawa's visit to the prefecture yesterday was his seventh. 
 
All Minshuto executives also visited Fukushima to stump for Mashiko, 
who is enjoying a lead. Hatoyama still warned the party from Okinawa 
yesterday that the largest opposition party must not be overly 
optimistic about the Fukushima race. 
 
To illustrate the growing income disparity, Hatoyama said in a 
street-corner speech yesterday: "(Per capita) income in Tokyo is 1.8 
million yen higher than that in Fukushima. This is unreasonable, and 
politics must take the blame for it." 
 
In last year's gubernatorial race, the candidate backed jointly by 
Minshuto and the SDP achieved victory under the theme of "the 
people's party." Motivated by that race, the largest opposition 
plans to capitalize on the national recognition of Mashiko, who 
served three terms in the Lower House, rather than to highlight 
Minshuto features. 
 
Abe views Futenma Air Station 
 
Prime Minister Abe took a first look at Futenma Air Station 
yesterday from Kakazu Takadai Park in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture. 
 
Standing besides Abe, Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima expressed hopes for an 
early relocation of the airfield, saying: "The base sits in the 
densely-populated residential areas. We want to see the base removed 
as soon as possible." In response, Abe indicated that the government 
would relocate it to the coastal area of Camp Schwab upon obtaining 
local support, saying: "We will push ahead with the relocation plan 
while hearing local views. We will work hard to meet your request 
swiftly." 
 
(2) Prime Minister Abe: I will listens to views of local residents" 
on Futenma relocation 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) 
April 16, 2007 
 
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited Okinawa on April 15 for the first 
time since he assumed office in order to support campaigns for the 
Upper House Okinawa local elections and the Upper House by-election. 
With Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima as his guide, the prime minister 
inspected the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station from the 
Kakazu-Takadai Park in Ginowan City. Abe is the first incumbent 
prime minister to have made an inspection of the Futenma base. 
Pointing out the danger of the air station, which is located in an 
urban district, the governor demanded early relocation of the 
Futenma base. Abe then visited the city of Miyakojima. Abe is the 
first prime minister to have visited Miyakojima in 42 years, since 
Eisaku Sato went there in 1965 when the island was returned to 
Japanese rule. 
 
After inspecting the Futenma base, Abe delivered a street-corner 
speech, in which he took a cooperative stance with local residents. 
He stated: 
 
"The Futenma Air Station, which carries risk as it is located in an 
urban area, should be relocated as quickly as possible. I will hear 
the views of the governor and local residents on the relocation of 
 
TOKYO 00001657  004 OF 011 
 
 
the base." 
 
He also expressed a positive stance toward an idea of expanding Naha 
Airport. He said: 
 
"In order to realize Gov. Nakaima's campaign pledge to boost the 
number of visitors traveling to Okinawa to several tens of millions 
of people. The airport has to be expanded. I will give top priority 
to the expansion of the airport." 
 
He stated this on the realignment of US forces in Japan: 
 
"Easing the burden of US military bases on the residents of Okinawa 
is my responsibility. I think we should actively use the land at 
Futenma after that base is relocated." 
 
At the Kakazu-Takadai Park, Akira Uehara, head of the governor's 
office, briefed Abe on the general outline of the Futenma base. 
While showing a picture of the accident site where a US military 
helicopter crashed into the ground at Okinawa International 
University, Nakaima stressed problems to Abe, saying, "Since the air 
station is located in the middle of the city, it is dangerous and 
noisy." 
 
In the city of Miyakojima, Abe toured a facility producing a 
bio-ethanol fuel by a sugar fermentation process that uses 
sugarcane. On a three percent ethanol-mixed gasoline car (E3), the 
prime minister arrived in a place where he was going to give a 
speech. Bio-ethanol is the most environment-friendly fuel in the 
world. The nation proactively supports this kind of technology." 
Earlier in the day Abe attended a funeral at the Air Self-Defense 
Force's Naha base for four crew members of a ground-Self-Defense 
Forces helicopter killed in a crash last month while on a medical 
transport mission. He then visited the National Cemetery for Okinawa 
the War Dead to offer flowers. 
 
(3) National referendum bill setting constitutional amendment 
procedures: Prime Minister Abe's arbitrary act might create rift 
between, LDP and New Komeito, even with Lower House approves the 
bill 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full) 
April 13, 2007 
 
The outlook is that concrete procedures to amend the Constitution 
will be set for the first time in the 61 years since the national 
constitution came into force. Since the bill setting procedures is 
designed to revise the supreme law, the ruling Liberal Democratic 
Party, its coalition partner New Komeito, and the largest opposition 
party initially aimed to reach an agreement. However, after Prime 
Minister Shinzo Abe gave the command, a special committee of the 
House of Representatives voted on the measure (and subsequently the 
bill cleared the chamber).  However, important debate on what, when 
and how the Constitution will be amended was never conducted. 
 
Former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, who assumed the 
chairmanship of a suprapartisan parliamentary group aiming at 
creating an independent constitution, praised Abe on April 5 at the 
Prime Minister's Official Residence, saying, "Since you are the 
first postwar prime minister tackling straightforwardly 
constitutional reform, I accepted the offer to head the 
parliamentarian group." Abe then responded with a smile: "I am 
grateful that you accepted the post. I would like you to push 
 
TOKYO 00001657  005 OF 011 
 
 
forward to build popular acceptance as to why constitutional 
amendments are needed." 
 
However, Abe's stance of stressing his reform orientation made it 
impossible for joint actions among the LDP, New Komeito and Minshuto 
(Democratic Party of Japan) to modify the bill. 
 
In his press conference on Jan. 4 for the New Year, Abe positioned 
constitutional reform as a campaign issue for the House of 
Councillors election this summer, saying, "In campaigning for the 
Upper House election, I will stress my intention to aim a amend the 
Constitution." 
 
Abe regards himself as a member of the conservative mainstream, so 
for him, picking up the challenge to amend the Constitution has 
become symbolic with his political stance of breaking away from the 
"postwar regime." With his popularity on the decline, should the 
national referendum bill, following the passage of a bill revising 
the Basic Education Law late last year, clear the Diet, the ruling 
coalition will be able to strengthen its conservative base in the 
Upper House. 
 
Minshuto President Ichiro Ozawa has accepted Abe's challenge. Caught 
up in standoff between the two party heads, joint amendments looked 
into by lawmakers from the three parties collapsed. 
 
However, Abe has yet to speak up his blueprint for constitutional 
reform. He reportedly stated emotionally in a meeting in January in 
Tokyo: "No matter how difficult constitutional reform is, we must 
continue speaking about it; otherwise we will never accomplish our 
desire." Abe's aide said: "To keep calling for constitutional reform 
seems to be Abe's mission." As if responding to Abe's focusing on 
just repeating the constitutional-reform mantra, a mood calling for 
constitutional amendment has kicked in. 
 
There is no surge in momentum of calling constitutional amendments 
even in the LDP, which announced a draft plan for a new constitution 
18 months ago. 
 
In order to promote a debate on constitutional reform, the LDP last 
October upgraded its Research Commission (chosakai) on the 
Constitution to the status of a council (shingikai). However, the 
council has yet to resume debate since its head has not been chosen. 
Although Upper House Caucus Chairman Yoichi Masuzoe in February 
called on former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori to set up a new panel 
to be headed by him, not much progress has occurred. Masuzoe, 
however, is critical of addressing constitutional reform a campaign 
issue for the Upper House election, arguing: 
 
"Unless 70 to 80 PERCENT  of the people approve constitutional 
revision, amending the Constitution will be difficult. Under the 
present situation, a campaign pledge to amend the Constitution will 
not lead to gaining votes." 
 
One of the reasons for no surge in momentum for constitutional 
reform in the LDP is "the national referendum bill itself," said one 
LDP member. That is because the legislation includes the New 
Komeito's view that during the three years from the proclamation of 
national referendum law until the law's going into effect, a review 
of constitutional reforms bills and submission of them be 
prohibited. 
 
One senior member of the New Komeito, which has called for upholding 
 
TOKYO 00001657  006 OF 011 
 
 
Article 9 of the Constitution, expects that if more time is taken, 
the view held by some of protecting the constitution from change 
will grow. Party head Akihiro Ota has repeatedly told the prime 
minister: "It will take a long time to amend the Constitution." 
 
The New Komeito has insisted that one vote should be taken on each 
article. The party has a strategy of gradually making clear its 
opposition to the LDP draft proposals, advocating that it will be 
difficult to completely change the Constitution by a national 
referendum. 
 
Ota warned Abe on March 23: "Making constitutional reform a campaign 
issue for the Upper House election and constitutional reform 
actually becoming a campaign issue are two different things." Ota 
meant that the public are not interested in amending the 
Constitution, but Abe reportedly fended him off, saying, "Do you 
think constitutional reform will become a main issue in the campaign 
for the Upper House election?" After the national referendum becomes 
law, the gaps between the LDP and New Komeito might become more 
pronounced. 
 
(4) Editorial: Decline of ODA; Maintain presence using various 
methods 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
April 13, 2007 
 
The track record of Japan's official development assistance (ODA) 
last year plunged 11.7 PERCENT  from the previous year. Japan's 
ranking as an ODA donor slipped to third place, overtaken by 
Britain. Japan has had no other choice but to cut the ODA budget, as 
it is in the process of reconstructing its finances. The issue of 
Japan can maintain its presence in the international community has 
become a major agenda item. 
 
Japan once held the top slot, but it was first overtaken by the US 
and now by Britain. The drop is mainly attributable to a substantial 
decrease in debt reduction offered to Iraq in 2005. Japan's ODA 
dropped to 0.25 PERCENT  in gross national profit terms as well, a 
long away from industrialized countries' target of 0.7 PERCENT . 
 
The basic policy guidelines on economic and fiscal management and 
structural reforms issued last year noted that the ODA budget should 
be cut 2 PERCENT -4 PERCENT  each year in order to turn the primary 
balance into black in fiscal 2011. It is projected that Japan will 
fall to fifth slot, overtaken by France and Germany in the near 
future. Many are concerned about Japan's ODA presence continue to 
wane. 
 
However, Japan's ODA is still way above that of the US in gross 
national income terms. It must be remembered that there is the 
aspect of the fluctuation of ODA being determined by fiscal 
conditions of the time. 
 
European countries started increasing ODA budgets from around 2000, 
the millennium and the year when they achieved fiscal 
reconstruction. Japan's ODA continued to increase even after the 
collapse of the economic bubble, but it took a downturn in the same 
year. 
 
Japan's international contributions, even at a time when it was 
suffering from a pronouncedly deteriorating fiscal situation among 
industrialized countries, fully deserve global recognition. Another 
 
TOKYO 00001657  007 OF 011 
 
 
major factor for the drop in the track record of ODA is a sharp 
increase in the repayment of yen loans by Southeast Asian countries. 
These countries ceased to be recipient countries, proving that 
Japan's aid had been successful. 
 
However, maintaining presence with a limited ODA budget requires 
various resourcefulness. Cutting the cost of projects will lead to 
an increase in the volume of projects. Using private-sector human 
resources and know-how will also be essential. 
 
Demand for yen loans is still high. Yen loans to China will be ended 
-- visiting Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao did not directly express 
gratitude for yen loans to China. In India, which is pro-Japanese 
and a key country in security terms, the construction of social 
infrastructure will move into full scale. Yen loans will also be 
effective in nurturing petty, small and medium-size businesses in 
African countries. 
 
ODA is still a major diplomatic tool for Japan. The Japan 
International Cooperation Agency (JICA), which is to be reorganized 
into the Overseas Economic Cooperation Council chaired by the prime 
minister, will be required to develop a highly sophisticated 
strategy. 
 
(5) Facts about SDF deployment in Iraq (Section 2); Thinking of SDF 
as Japan's new garrison-SDF in transformation (Part 4): Support 
pact-Integration going on with US military 
 
TOKYO (Top play) (Full) 
March 29, 2007 
 
Ali Al Salem Air Base in Kuwait is the largest base of that 
country's air force. 
 
There are four aircraft shelters standing along a runway of the 
airbase. All those shelters remain wrecked. When the airbase was 
under the Iraqi military's occupation in the 1991 Gulf War, US 
military jets conducted pinpoint airstrikes on those shelters, 
targeting Iraqi troops stationed there. 
 
One of those wrecked shelters has a hole on its ceiling. Three 
blue-gray C-130 transport planes dispatched from Japan's Air 
Self-Defense Force are parked on an apron in front of that shelter. 
"Powder-like sands get in, so we don't turn on the air-conditioning 
until right before taking off," says Sgt. Atsushi Hoshino, a 
34-year-old maintenance service crewman. "The temperature in the 
aircraft goes up to 70 degrees (centigrade) when we're doing 
maintenance service," the sergeant added. 
 
Near the shelter is a hangar. The ASDF built the hangar to protect 
its aircrafts and members from the severe environment. The hangar is 
now in the US military's use. 
 
In the two midsummer months of June and August 2005, gray-coated US 
Air Force C-130 transport planes were housed in the hangar for a 
total of four periods from four to eight days. "We can use the 
hangar again after they return it, so the hangar is offered to them 
for nothing," a Defense Ministry official said. 
 
That year, the ASDF provided the US Air Force twice with C-130 parts 
and was supplied seven times with componentry from the USAF. In 
addition, the ASDF used the US military's toilet-cleaning equipment 
four times for its C-130s. 
 
TOKYO 00001657  008 OF 011 
 
 
 
The ASDF owes much to the US military. Its supply of air fuel to the 
ASDF's Kuwait-based detachment amounts to as much as 140 kiloliters 
a year. "The ASDF has dispatched about 200 personnel there," says 
Col. Hirohide Inoue, 45, chief coordinator in the Air Staff Office's 
Logistics Planning Division. Inoue went on: "The ASDF is provided 
with air fuel from the US Air Force, so we can somehow manage to do 
things at this level of personnel. If we've got to do everything 
ourselves, we will have to send more personnel. As a result, the 
ASDF's burden will be heavier." 
 
What makes it possible for Japan and the United States to replenish 
each other with supplies is a bilateral arrangement, which is called 
the Japan-US Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA). The 
two countries return supplies in kind. However, they may also cash 
in. 
 
At one time, the Defense Agency-the Defense Ministry's 
predecessor-issued a notification in the name of its administrative 
deputy director general's name to let the Maritime Self-Defense 
Force refuel US naval vessels only when MSDF vessels participate in 
the Rim-of-the Pacific joint naval maneuvers (RIMPAC) conducted in 
waters off Hawaii under the US Navy's initiative. Japan and the 
United States thereafter strengthened their bilateral cooperation. 
In 1996, the Japanese and US governments issued a bilateral joint 
declaration on security. At the same time, the two governments 
entered into ACSA. 
 
At first, ACSA was only applicable to bilateral joint training 
exercises between Japan and the United States as well as to United 
Nations peacekeeping operations. However, ACSA, as a result of its 
two revisions, expanded its applicable scope to contingencies in the 
periphery of Japan and emergencies in Japan. Later on, ACSA's 
applicable scope was further expanded to the Self-Defense Forces' 
overseas activities conducted under the Antiterror Special Measures 
Law or otherwise under the Iraq Special Measures Law. 
 
The SDF-with its members deployed in Iraq-came under ACSA at once. 
In Kuwait, for instance, Ground Self-Defense Force members stayed at 
a US Army camp where they were served with provisions. They were 
airlifted to Iraq on ASDF C-130 transport planes. After their 
arrival in Iraq, they received similar support from US forces in Ali 
(formerly Taril). 
 
As is evident from such cases, the SDF's Iraq mission cannot go it 
alone without its integration with US forces. This also seems to be 
why the ASDF is tasked with airlift activities mainly for US 
troops. 
 
Ali Al Salem Air Base also hosts troops from the Republic of Korea. 
The ASDF, according to its officer, provides no supplies to the ROK 
forces because Japan and the ROK have no arrangement like ACSA. 
However, a Defense Ministry official explains that the Iraq Special 
Measures Law prescribes a clause of "transfer" and "nonreimbursable 
loan," which is applicable to South Korean forces as well. 
 
At the airbase, the ASDF has invested a total of 2.3 billion yen for 
its hangar, billeting and recreational quarters, and some other 
buildings. "In time," another Defense Ministry official says, "the 
SDF will withdraw." This official added: "All these buildings are 
therefore regarded as temporary installations. We cannot say these 
buildings are state-owned assets, and it's incorrect to say these 
facilities are under (Japan's) occupation." 
 
TOKYO 00001657  009 OF 011 
 
 
 
When deploying overseas, the SDF sets up a base on the premises of a 
base in a foreign land to team up with armed forces from foreign 
countries. This framework has already been established. In December 
last year, the Self-Defense Forces Law was revised to task the SDF 
with overseas activities as part of its primary missions. The law 
just caught up with the facts to endorse what the SDF is actually 
doing. 
 
(6) Japan @ World by Yoichi Funabashi: Japan needs to be further 
involved in six-party talks 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Slightly abridged) 
April 16, 2007 
 
Yoichi Funabashi 
 
US Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill is an ardent fan of 
the Boston Red Sox. 
 
Last November, when pitcher Daisuke Matsuzaka decided to transfer to 
the Red Sox, Hill yelled with delight. Immediately after the 
revelation of this decision, Hill engaged in talks with North Korean 
Vice Foreign Minister Kim Gye Gwan on the issue of the 25 million 
dollars frozen at North Korea-related bank accounts at Banco Delta 
Asia (BDA) in Macao. 
 
Hill was too excited to solemnly engage in the talks. 
 
"Matsuzaka will transfer to the Red Sox. The transfer money is 51 
million dollars." 
 
"Matsuzaka?" 
 
Kim had no idea who was Matsuzaka. He stared at Hill with wonder. 
 
"Why is that huge amount of money paid to only one person?" 
 
"Indeed, it is a large sum of money, more than double 25 million 
dollars." 
 
Their conversation moved from this topic to how to launch a 
framework for US-North Korea talks to discuss the lifting of the 
sanctions against the North. Last week, the US government announced 
it would lift the freeze on the DPRK's funds at the BDA, and this 
has now enabled North Korea to withdraw its deposits there. But the 
North Koreans have neither shut down nor sealed their nuclear 
reactor at Yongbyon yet. 
 
America's lifting of the sanctions against the North has somehow 
brought the six-party talks to the point of going to bat in the 
direction of denuclearizing the North. If the North reports on all 
its nuclear programs and disables all existing nuclear facilities, 
the multilateral talks will advance to first base. Then, 
full-fledged energy assistance by every member nation will start. 
The six-party talks can advance to second base if they succeed in 
obtaining the North's commitment to abandon the nuclear enrichment 
program that triggered a nuclear crisis this time. The talks would 
reach third if they are successful in making the North dispose of 
its nuclear weapons tested last October and nuclear materials. The 
multilateral talks will reach home plate if they thoroughly inspect 
and confirm whether the North has scrapped all of its nuclear 
programs and facilities. Unless all this is done, no path for 
 
TOKYO 00001657  010 OF 011 
 
 
diplomatic normalization between the US and North Korea and between 
Japan and North Korea can be set. There is a long way to go, 
however. 
 
In addition, the abduction issue stands in the way for Japan and 
North Korea to normalize diplomatic ties. Tokyo has proclaimed that 
it will not assist North Korea in the energy area unless the 
abduction issue makes headway. Pyongyang's position is that the 
abduction issue has already been settled. Japan does not intend to 
take part in the energy assistance scheme for the time being. The 
North has called Japan a country disqualified to be a member of the 
six-party talks. Japan is not necessarily going along with four 
other member nations of the talks:  the US, China, South Korea, and 
Russia. 
 
One South Korean diplomat I met in Beijing told me: "Everybody 
initially showed sympathy for the abducted victims. But the Japanese 
government has reiterated the same thing at every session under the 
six-party talks. I therefore have sent my home government this kind 
of telegram concerning Japan's chief negotiator's statements: 'His 
statements focused solely on the abduction issue as 'he did in the 
last session with no fresh argument.'" 
 
Former US Secretary of State Kissinger, who was recently visiting 
Japan, queried ranking Japanese officials: "What would be a 
resolution to the abduction issue? Could you tell me the 
definition?" Reportedly, however, no clear-cut answer was given to 
him. 
 
I doubt whether the Japanese government really has an answer to that 
question. In the Diet, both arguments crop up: one is "Japan must 
not be left behind the US and North Korea over the nuclear issue" 
and the other is "Japan should resolutely deal with the abduction 
issue, aside from America's or North Korea's motives." 
 
"The prevailing view is that Japan has received the cold shoulder 
and has been isolated in the six-party talks," a high-level US 
government official analyzed. This view implies the feeling that: 
Japan has been betrayed by the US, which has rushed to reach 
agreement in talks with North Korea. Voices of distrust of the US 
are in fact heard, for instance, the US is spoiling North Korea; the 
US is about to launch "arms control" talks with the North; and 
America's "nuclear umbrella" has holes in it now. 
 
Partly because the six-party talks were started under the initiative 
of the US and China, Japan has so far tended to participate in the 
sessions with a passive attitude and has failed to make strategic 
decisions. But it is incorrect to say that Japan has been placed in 
an isolated situation in the six-party talks. 
 
Japan needs to cool-headedly analyze the limits of the six-party 
talks. Specifically, the multilateral talks eventually allowed the 
North to conduct a nuclear test. The North Koreans appear to be 
performing "brinkmanship" acrobatics under a safety net called the 
six-party talks. North Korea indeed may not abandon its nuclear 
programs. 
 
Nevertheless, Japan should pursue the possibility of the six-party 
talks as far as it can. If nuclear proliferation were to occur at 
this point, relations among Japan, China, and South Korea could 
assume an aspect of xenophobic nationalism and be filled with a 
sense of fear. In this case, Japan would find itself in a most 
difficult situation among those member nations. 
 
TOKYO 00001657  011 OF 011 
 
 
 
The six-party talks could serve as a first multifaceted process in 
the history of this region for peace and stability. Japan's 
strategic challenge will be to grope to find the best possibilities 
of applying this process, including an opportunity for the Japan-US 
alliance and the US-South Korea alliance to be linked to a regional 
framework in Northeast Asia. The first ordeal for Japan is to 
actively participate in the process of bringing about the 
abandonment of the North's nuclear programs and by so doing, to 
acquire multifaceted diplomatic skills. There is no choice but to 
resolve the nuclear issue and the abduction issue within a 
multifaceted process. Preparing for that requires a strategic 
decision. 
 
Let me add some points of my own in this regard. 
 
7 Maintain a firm relationship of trust between Japan and the US in 
a way that is linked to the bilateral alliance, which has the 
capability to keep the region stable on the basis of the US Forces 
Japan. 
 
7 Pursue a resolution of the abduction issue while linking it to the 
nuclear issue. Unfold a diplomacy that will boost, if possible, the 
efforts to resolve the nuclear issue and use Japan's active handling 
of the issue to increase multifaceted pressure on North Korea in the 
area of the abduction issue. 
 
7 Prepare an "exit plan" for a resolution to the abduction issue 
while pressing ahead on it. Consider the abduction issue in light of 
diplomacy instead of as a movement. 
 
The question is not a choice between the two: nuclear and 
abductions. This is not the question, either, of which issue comes 
first. Japan is indeed urged to make a strategic decision. 
 
SCHIEFFER