VZCZCXYZ0014
PP RUEHWEB

DE RUEHLP #1165/01 1161701
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 261701Z APR 07
FM AMEMBASSY LA PAZ
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 3359
INFO RUEHAC/AMEMBASSY ASUNCION 6730
RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA 4060
RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA 7948
RUEHBU/AMEMBASSY BUENOS AIRES 5196
RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 2426
RUEHPE/AMEMBASSY LIMA 2553
RUEHMN/AMEMBASSY MONTEVIDEO 4565
RUEHQT/AMEMBASSY QUITO 5066
RUEHSG/AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO 9649
RUMIAAA/USCINCSO MIAMI FL
RUEHUB/USINT HAVANA 0281
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHINGTON DC
RHMFIUU/HQ USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL

UNCLAS LA PAZ 001165 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PREL ECON BL
SUBJECT: BOLIVIAN INDIGENOUS DEMANDS--RIGHTING PAST WRONGS 
 
REF: A. LA PAZ 1104 
     ¶B. LA PAZ 1085 
 
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Summary 
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¶1. (U) As the GOB hosts the Organization of American States' 
(OAS) Working Group charged with negotiating the American 
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples from April 
23-27, Bolivian indigenous groups are pressing for greater 
rights and autonomy via the Constituent Assembly (CA).  Over 
60 percent of Bolivians identified themselves as indigenous 
in the 2001 census (which did not include a "mestizo 
category"), the largest indigenous population 
(percentage-wise) in the hemisphere. While there are many 
indigenous interest groups in Bolivia, they lack a unified 
vision except for two basic principles: that the indigenous 
deserve "complete citizenship" and that the new constitution 
must reflect the country's "plurinational" nature. The CA has 
received over twenty different proposals on indigenous 
autonomy; some have been characterized as radical and 
"ethnocentric," others are seen as "integrationist" espousing 
less drastic changes to the current constitution.  Bolivian 
indigenous demands in the CA and at this week's OAS working 
group are firmly rooted in righting historical wrongs that 
have left them disproportionately poor.  The country's 
demographic divide explains the competing visions for 
autonomy--the indigenous west largely supports some form of 
indigenous autonomy while the non-indigenous east promotes 
"departmental autonomy." End Summary. 
 
--------------------------------------------- - 
Indigenous Demands for "Complete Citizenship" 
--------------------------------------------- -- 
 
¶2. (U) As the GOB hosts the Organization of American States' 
(OAS) Working Group charged with negotiating the American 
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples from April 
23-27, Bolivian indigenous groups are pressing for greater 
rights and autonomy via the Constituent Assembly (CA). Over 
60 percent of Bolivians identified themselves with one of the 
country's approximately 36 indigenous groups in the 2001 
census (which did not include a "mestizo category"), the 
largest indigenous population (percentage-wise) in all of 
Latin America.  (Note: Guatemala and Peru are second and 
third, with 48 and 47 percent respectively. End note). 
Bolivia's western five departments of La Paz, Chuquisaca, 
Cochabamba, Oruro and Potosi have the highest concentration 
of indigenous peoples, between 65 to 83 percent of the 
population.  In contrast, the eastern departments of Tarija, 
Santa Cruz, Beni and Pando have indigenous populations of 10 
to 40 percent. 
 
¶3. (U) While there are many indigenous interest groups in 
Bolivia, they lack a unified vision except for two basic 
principles: that the indigenous deserve "complete 
citizenship" and that the new constitution must reflect the 
country's "plurinational" nature. These demands basically 
reflect Bolivia's pre-1990s political history, and 
particularly the political, social and economic exclusion of 
its indigenous population.  That indigenous peoples have 
suffered from social and political exclusion is 
incontrovertible.  That the percentage of Bolivians in 
poverty or extreme poverty is approximately equal to the 
percentage of indigenous Bolivians is not a coincidence. 
Discrimination and lack of investment in public education are 
the primary contributing factors to indigenous poverty.  Yet 
Bolivia's current constitution characterizes the country as 
"multi-ethnic and multi-cultural" and recognizes indigenous 
economic and cultural rights to their traditional lands. 
Furthermore, the increased political clout that indigenous 
groups enjoy today is a direct result of President Sanchez de 
Lozada's 1994 "Law on Popular Participation."  The problem is 
not Bolivia's legal framework, but a lack of enforcement of 
existing laws. 
 
------------------------------- 
Indigenous Demands for Autonomy 
------------------------------- 
 
¶4. (U) The CA has received over twenty different proposals on 
indigenous autonomy.  Some proposals have been characterized 
as radical and "ethnocentric" while others are seen as 
"integrationist," espousing less drastic changes to the 
current constitution.  Each plan includes some form of 
indigenous self-determination, but they differ on the extent 
and the mechanisms for self-determination. The "ethnocentric" 
proposals focus on reconfiguring the state (internal borders) 
to reflect indigenous territories. These indigenous states 
would govern themselves based on the "peoples'" traditions. 
The "integrationist" model largely adheres to existing 
departmental, provincial and municipal divisions, but allows 
for many municipalities to become "indigenous 
municipalities."  These indigenous municipalities would 
differ by community, their governance determined by local 
customs. Meanwhile, proposals from the less indigenous 
departments of Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando and Tarija call for 
departmental autonomy (reftel B). 
 
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Comment 
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¶5. (SBU)  Bolivian indigenous demands for greater rights and 
more autonomy in both the CA and this week's OAS working 
group are firmly rooted in righting historical wrongs that 
have left them disproportionately poor.  The country's 
demographic divide explains the competing visions for 
autonomy--the indigenous west largely supports some form of 
indigenous autonomy while the non-indigenous east promotes 
"departmental autonomy" (reftel A).  End Comment. 
GOLDBERG