VZCZCXRO2947
RR RUEHLN RUEHVK RUEHYG
DE RUEHDBU #0502/01 0931307
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 031307Z APR 07
FM AMEMBASSY DUSHANBE
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 9980
INFO RUCNCIS/CIS COLLECTIVE
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC
RHEFDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC
RHEHAAA/NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL WASHINGTON DC
RUEHNE/AMEMBASSY NEW DELHI 2037
RUEHBUL/AMEMBASSY KABUL 2028
RUEHIL/AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD 2065
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 1423
RUEHVEN/USMISSION USOSCE 1941
RUEHDBU/AMEMBASSY DUSHANBE 1623

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 DUSHANBE 000502 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR SCA/CEN, DRL 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM KDEM TI
SUBJECT: TAJIKISTAN:  FREE AND FAIR LOCAL ELECTIONS? APRIL FOOLS! 
 
 
DUSHANBE 00000502  001.2 OF 002 
 
 
¶1.  SUMMARY:  Three districts in Tajikistan's southern Khatlon 
region held local by-elections April 1 for seats in the national 
parliament vacated by parliamentarians appointed to Ministries 
and other positions.   Despite the lower profile of the April 1 
elections as compared to the November 2006 presidential 
election, the by-elections saw no shortage of political party 
drama and election procedure violations.  Candidates from the 
Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan withdrew from the race 
in two districts and the candidates from President Rahmonov's 
ruling party, the People's Democratic Party of Tajikistan won 
handily in all three districts: Firdavsi, Kulyab and Hamodoni. 
A group of bilateral missions and international organizations 
organized an informal observation mission to signal to the 
government that foreign missions remain interested in democratic 
progress and election reform even after the high profile 
presidential election.  Observers witnessed violations in the 
election process including family voting and proxy voting and a 
low voter turnout which should have invalidated the elections. 
END SUMMARY. 
 
¶2.  The cold and rainy elections day lacked the fanfare of the 
November 5, 2006, presidential election.  No roses were handed 
out; no bands greeted voters; and no Tajik dancing girls boosted 
voters' spirits.  The local elections were more low-key and this 
time fewer international observers meant that officials were not 
on their toes. 
 
ISLAMIC PARTY WITHDRAWS IN PROTEST 
 
¶3.  Days before local elections April 1 in Firdavsi, Kulyab and 
Hamodoni districts, two Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan 
candidates withdrew from the elections, eliminating the last 
semblance of a real multi-party election.  On March 30, the 
Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan candidate in the 
Firdavsi region withdrew his candidacy.  The district election 
commission agreed to his withdrawal and polling stations were 
instructed to cross his name off the ballot.  At a press 
conference March 31 on the eve of the elections, Islamic 
Renaissance Party of Tajikistan leaders announced that 
Saidibrihim Nazarov, the candidate running in Kulyab District, 
would also withdraw.  The party was angry that the election 
officials refused to permit Islamic Renaissance Party of 
Tajikistan poll observers to sit on polling station commissions 
on voting day so that party members could register voters, 
observe the process and participate in vote tabulation at the 
end of the day. 
 
¶4.  The district election commission chairman acknowledged that 
the commission received the withdrawal statement, but denied the 
request.  The commission did not inform polling stations or the 
public of the withdrawal.  The commission cited a 2005 rule 
stating that candidates must inform the commission 24 hours 
prior to withdrawing.  The district election commission chairman 
also tried to justify his decision to PolOff by explaining that 
polling station commissions should comprise of non-partisan 
neutral members.  He did not have a response when PolOff pointed 
out that many polling station members belong to the People's 
Democratic Party of Tajikistan or Communist Party of Tajikistan. 
 
¶5.  In Hamodoni district, the Islamic Renaissance Party insisted 
on running its candidate because it was the first time the party 
fielded a candidate in the region and it wanted to strengthen 
its base there.  In all three districts, the People's Democratic 
Party's candidates won with over 90 percent of the vote. 
 
VOTERS HAVE A VOICE, BUT DO NOT SPEAK OUT 
 
¶6.  The team of unofficial diplomatic and international 
observers met April 2 in Dushanbe to exchange information. 
Observers in all districts witnessed the same pattern of family 
voting and proxy voting.   Some observers even saw evidence of 
ballot stuffing.  Observers saw more men than women in polling 
stations.  Most polling stations were in run-down schools and 
the schools' principals headed the polling commissions in most 
cases. The principals were more interested in talking about the 
poor state of their schools and assistance needs rather than the 
candidates. 
 
¶7.  PolOff questioned one polling election station commissioner 
why the same person had signed for multiple people.  She 
blatantly admitted that the person tried to disguise his 
handwriting for each person, but could not.  In another station, 
 
DUSHANBE 00000502  002.2 OF 002 
 
 
PolOff pointed out to the station chairperson that a voter had 
three ballots in his hand.  The chairperson called the voter 
over, but did not tell him to put the ballots back.  Both the 
voter and chairperson looked at PolOff sheepishly.  The voter 
explained that his wife and son were sick and he would vote for 
them.  Based on the excuses PolOff received throughout the day, 
the majority of people in Kulyab were sick on April 1 and could 
not make it to the polling stations. 
 
¶8.  A valid election requires a voter turnout of over 50 
percent.  By ten in the morning on April 1, some polling 
stations reported over 70 percent turnout.  However, based on 
the few voters they actually saw trickling into the station at 
any given time, international observers agree the numbers did 
not amount to over 50 percent of the electorate. 
 
¶9.  PolOff questioned voters and election commission personnel 
on what were the most important issues of the election. 
Universally, voters returned a blank stare.  Rephrased another 
way, "What are the most important problems you hope the election 
winner will resolve?" the answer was overwhelmingly: 
electricity.  Voters wanted reliable and constant electricity in 
their businesses and homes.  However, voters also told PolOff 
that they did not believe any of the candidates would be able to 
resolve the electricity issue.  Most voters did not know who the 
candidates were or their platforms, although candidates did 
campaign before the elections.  Some of the voters were 
"encouraged" by People's Democratic Party of Tajikistan members 
to come out and vote.  Some people in the town of Kulyab had no 
idea April 1 was an election day. 
 
¶10.  COMMENT:  The Islamic Renaissance Party's decision to hold 
a press conference and make their grievances public defied the 
government's desire to hold elections with the appearance of 
multi-party participation.  Knowing that the party's candidates 
would not have a fair chance at winning the election, a public 
withdrawal allowed the Islamic Renaissance Party to make a big 
political statement.  Rumor has it that the Islamic Party plans 
to run a high profile candidate in upcoming by-elections in May 
and it may be trying to gain traction for that race. 
 
¶11.  Based on the April 1 informal election observation mission, 
not much has improved since the presidential election.  The 
Central Commission for Elections and Referenda has received the 
OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights 
preliminary election observation mission report for the November 
2006 presidential election and knows that it must implement 
legislative changes and procedural improvements to meet 
international standards.  But getting the message to the local 
level and changing individual voters' mentality will be 
difficult. END COMMENT. 
JACOBSON