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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 TOKYO 001253 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/20/07 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Defense ministry to request US to present outline briefing of 
how its nuclear umbrella would function in case of a Japan 
contingency 
 
(2) Informal talks among Okinawa governor, Nago mayor, US consul 
general on Futenma issue; Details discussed for early relocation of 
Futenma base 
 
(3) US' North Korea policy at dead end 
 
(4) Sankei-sho Column 
 
(5) Study at the SDF-Foreign students as key players for security 
cooperation with Japan 
 
(6) Prime Minister's Official Residence's (Kantei) challenge to 
assume political leadership 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Defense ministry to request US to present outline briefing of 
how its nuclear umbrella would function in case of a Japan 
contingency 
 
YOMIURI (Page 1) (Abridged) 
Eve., March 20, 2007 
 
In order to prepare for a nuclear threat from North Korea or other 
country, the Ministry of Defense (MOD) has firmed up its intention 
to request the US government to present to it a specific briefing of 
how the US forces would make the judgment to use nuclear weapons 
should Japan be under a nuclear attack or is in danger of a nuclear 
attack, and in what way would this be conveyed to the Japanese side. 
 Several senior MOD officials revealed this plan. The aim is to 
ensure the reliability of the so-called nuclear umbrella of the US. 
MOD intends to reflect future operations by US nuclear-weapons units 
in joint tactical planning between the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) and 
the US forces. 
 
Currently, MOD, SDF and the US forces are moving ahead with drafting 
a joint tactical strategy for Japan and the US. In the midst of this 
effort, MOD is thinking of asking the US for a specific explanation 
of how the US' nuclear umbrella would function. 
 
Since the operations of nuclear-weapons units are top-secret even in 
the US government, there has never been any specific discussion 
between Japan and the US regarding such subjects as the operations 
of the nuclear-weapons units of the US forces, starting with 
nuclear-powered submarines armed with nuclear warheads. However, 
since North Korea now has carried out a nuclear-weapon test, MOD, 
forced now to assume a possible nuclear attack on Japan in a 
contingency, has made the judgment that there is need to grasp the 
main outline of operations by US nuclear-weapons units. 
 
A senior MOD official said: "In order to properly put together a 
joint Japan-US tactical plan, the Japanese side needs to ask the US 
how it would use nuclear weapons and whether it would really use 
them in the end." 
 
(2) Informal talks among Okinawa governor, Nago mayor, US consul 
general on Futenma issue; Details discussed for early relocation of 
 
TOKYO 00001253  002 OF 007 
 
 
Futenma base 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 1) (Excerpts) 
March 20, 2007 
 
Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima, Nago Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro, 
and US Consul General for Okinawa Kevin Maher informally met last 
evening at a hotel in Naha for a three-hour discussion. They there 
firmed up their intentions to work together to realize the 
relocation of the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station. Regarding 
the relocation of the airfield to Camp Schwab, as agreed by 
governments of Japan and the United States, the governor and the 
mayor reportedly conveyed to the consul general their desire to have 
the construction site of a V-shaped runway moved to a location as 
far away as possible southwest from the coast of Camp Schwab in Nago 
City. They will make this request at a time when the precise 
location of the V-shaped runway will be discussed. The governor and 
mayor reportedly called on both Tokyo and Washington to be flexible 
enough to address the relocation issue in order to break the impasse 
in talks between the central government and local residents. 
 
After the informal meeting, Gov. Nakaima revealed that the three 
held in depth discussion on revisions to the central government's 
proposal, as called for by both Nago City and Okinawa Prefecture. He 
said, "We exchanged views, assuming a number of possibilities." 
 
Mayor Shimabukuro indicated that three came short of reaching 
agreement, saying, "There's no change in our position of seeking (to 
move the construction site of the runway as far southwest away as 
possible), but the US side told us it would be difficult to do so." 
 
Consul General Maher summarized the discussions this way: "We 
exchanged views frankly so that the Futenma airfield would be 
relocated swiftly." 
 
One top-level prefectural government official explained: "The three 
officials shared the view that it is necessary to swiftly relocate 
(the Futenma airfield). In order to accelerate the relocation 
process, all the parties involved, including Tokyo and Washington, 
must make efforts to build a consensus. Exchanging views was 
significant in terms of understanding the other side's way of 
thinking and position." 
 
On the question of whether to add revisions to the location of the 
planned runway, this official said, "No specifics were discussed." 
 
The meeting was also joined by Vice Governor Nakazato, Director 
Fumoto of the Okinawa government's office on base issues and 
disaster prevention, and Nago Deputy Mayor Suematsu. Maher exchanged 
views with Defense Minister Fumio Kyuma on March 11. Given this, 
Maher appeared to attend the session yesterday with Kyuma's wishes 
in mind. 
 
(3) US' North Korea policy at dead end 
 
SANKEI (Page 3) (Full) 
March 20, 2007 
 
By Masao Okonogi, professor at Keio University 
 
The United States has been forced to make a major concession by 
turning around its traditional standpoint. Behind this lie such 
factors as the Iraq quagmire, the Republicans' defeat in the midterm 
 
TOKYO 00001253  003 OF 007 
 
 
elections, and the Bush administration's North Korea policy that has 
reached a dead end. 
 
Now that Washington has lifted its financial sanctions, North Korea 
is expected to shut down its nuclear facilities in Yongbyon within 
60 days, as it promised. The latest agreement deserves a positive 
assessment in terms of nuclear nonproliferation. But the accord 
warrants no optimism, for it does not specify a deadline for the 
next step -- disabling the North's nuclear facilities -- and it 
contains many unclear factors. 
 
Through the six-party talks, member countries have decided on energy 
aid and the United States and North Korea have established a 
normalization working group. Those developments carry great 
significance for Pyongyang. North Korea thinks that talks on 
removing its name from the US list of state sponsors of terrorism 
and establishing liaison offices in the two countries would be 
beneficial for maintaining the current regime. 
 
As for relations with countries other than the United States, North 
Korean leader Kim Jong Il visited the Chinese Embassy earlier this 
month apparently in a bid to mend relations with Beijing. He is 
exhibiting a positive stance toward exchanges with South Korea, as 
well. North Korea is eager to improve relations with countries other 
than Japan. North Korea has adopted a strategy to isolate Japan, 
which seems to have succeeded so far. Japan needs to closely watch 
how fast and to what extent US-North Korea relations move forward. 
 
(4) Sankei-sho Column 
 
SANKEI (Page 1) (Full) 
March 16, 2007 
 
According to Hisahiko Okazaki's book titled Jutaro Komura and His 
Age, people tend to hold a misconception about the United States. 
They are inclined to think that America has only one view on a 
matter. In many cases, a policy is a product of special dynamics in 
a special environment, the book notes. 
 
Following Japan's victory in the Russo-Japanese War in the early 
20th century, America's attitude toward Japan suddenly grew cold, 
reversing its amiable stance. This perplexed the Japanese people. 
Naturally, because of that war, there was every reason to be on the 
alert against Japan, which had suddenly become a major power in the 
Far East. America's sentiment toward Japan also changed 
significantly at that time. 
 
The book discusses such difficulties in dealing with the United 
States. Japan was not alone. Okazaki notes in his book: "The great 
powers of the world were all puzzled and troubled by the treatment 
they received from the United States, a mysterious country whose 
diplomacy changed with shifts in the public's mood." That was the 
history of international relations in the 20th century, according to 
Okazaki. 
 
The situation has not changed over the last century. The US 
Congress, which has been sympathetic toward Japan regarding the 
abduction issue, is now moving toward adopting a resolution 
denouncing Japan on the wartime comfort-women issue, as if to give a 
boost to North Korea. Washington also has removed its financial 
sanctions on the North, turning around its hard-line stance toward 
Pyongyang. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001253  004 OF 007 
 
 
The shift must be puzzling to sensible American people, as well. 
This cannot be thought of as a firm policy for America to adopt. The 
Bush administration's futile steps in Iraq have pushed "capricious" 
public opinion from "pressure" toward "conciliation." The policy 
apparently reflects that. 
 
Japan must not run about in confusion, however. History repeats 
itself. A radical change in public opinion is invariably followed by 
a backlash. Until then, Japan must say what it has to say and uphold 
its position. The tide can change at any time. 
 
(5) Study at the SDF-Foreign students as key players for security 
cooperation with Japan 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 17) (Full) 
March 17, 2007 
 
Tetsuro Takasaka, International News Section 
 
The Defense Ministry and the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) have various 
educational institutions, where a number of foreign nationals from 
their countries' defense ministries or armed forces are now 
studying. Nowadays, there are an increasing number of opportunities 
for the SDF to work together with foreign forces in United Nations 
peacekeeping operations and humanitarian disaster relief activities. 
They are knowledgeable of Japan, so they are increasing their 
presence to bridge Japan and their respective countries. 
 
People in general do not know well about the educational 
institutions of the Defense Ministry and the Ground, Maritime, and 
Air Self-Defense Forces. However, there are various schools, such as 
the National Defense Academy and a staff college for each of the 
GSDF, MSDF, and ASDF. The National Institute for Defense Studies 
(NIDS), located at Meguro in Tokyo, is one of them. NIDS is a think 
tank that has many researchers studying the international situation 
and military affairs. At the same time, NIDS also has a general 
training course for SDF brass officers-equivalent to the National 
War College in the United States. NIDS has brought in a total of 132 
senior members from the armed forces and defense ministries of 13 
countries, including the United States, Europe, and Asia, from 1981 
to date. 
 
These senior fellows are trained for about one year. During their 
training period, they deepen friendship with their SDF 
contemporaries through lectures, seminars, and training trips in 
Japan. Generally speaking, those in military organizations like 
armed forces and the SDF are said to have a particularly strong 
bonding of contemporary fellowship as compared with those in private 
businesses. Their friendship lasts long after training. 
 
"The network of personal connections that I had built at that time 
is now greatly helpful," says Timothy Larsen, 58, who is the deputy 
commander of US Forces Japan (USFJ) and a major general of the US 
Marine Corps. Many of Larsen's contemporaries at NIDS in its 
40th-term general training course from the fall of 1992 are now 
high-ranking officers in the SDF. Larsen is now working to 
strengthen bilateral cooperation between Japan and the United States 
in the security area as one of USFJ's successive top echelon 
officers who have the strongest personnel channels with the Defense 
Ministry and the SDF. "Simply because my job partner is a 
contemporary of mine, we can get over a number of barriers all at 
once to push ahead with cooperation," Larsen says. He still has a 
roster of his NIDS contemporaries that he treasures. 
 
TOKYO 00001253  005 OF 007 
 
 
 
In addition to the United States, Thailand has been deepening 
security cooperation with Japan through trainees sent to Japan. A 
total of about 200 persons from the Thai military have either 
studied at NIDS or NDA. In Bangkok, they often meet for reunions. 
MSDF and ASDF personnel have more opportunities to stop over in 
Thailand on their way to missions in the Middle East or in the 
Indian Ocean. In Thailand, those who once studied in Japan help SDF 
members in various ways. 
 
The Royal Thai Navy's Cdr. Papon Chan (TN: phonetic), 45, is now 
studying at NIDS in its 54th-term general training course. This Thai 
naval brass officer once studied at NDA and the (MSDF) Officer 
Candidate School. He has been studying in Japan for a total of nine 
years and will return home this summer. When he is back home, he 
plans to write a report on what the Thai forces can learn from the 
SDF. 
 
Among military attachs who are currently posted to the embassies of 
foreign countries in Tokyo and watching Japan's defense policy, 
there are also some people who once studied at the NIDS. 
 
Jean-Marc Gerbier, 50, who is a defense attach at the French 
Embassy and a captain of the French Navy, studied at NIDS in its 
53rd term right before arriving at his current post in the fall of 
¶2006. Wolfgang Frischhut, 56, who is a defense attach at the German 
Embassy and a colonel of the German Air Force (sic), was also a NIDS 
trainee in the same term. There are various misunderstandings and 
prejudices overseas about Japan's security policy due to lack of 
information, so they parked themselves in Japan to see Japan as it 
is. Their presence is valuable in that sense. 
 
 
Dan Melton, 46, currently a USMC attach at the American Embassy and 
a colonel, studied at NIDS in its 48th term. "I visited Etajima in 
Hiroshima Prefecture on a study tour," Melton says. "And," Melton 
went on, "I learned there about the former Japanese navy's young 
people who lost their lives in the war." He added, "That was 
impressive." 
 
There is also a person who studied at NIDS and later became an 
expert on international issues. Charles Pritchard, 56, was a 
40th-term trainee at NIDS, as well as Larsen. Pritchard, once in the 
US Army, went over to the US National Security Council (NSC) during 
the Clinton administration. He is now president of the Korea 
Economic Institute (KEI), a Washington-based think tank. Mark 
Fitzpatrick, 53, was a NIDS 38th-term trainee. Fitzpatrick once 
worked at the US Department of State and is now a researcher at the 
International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), a think tank 
based in the United Kingdom. 
 
At present, eight trainees from six countries-including Papon from 
Thailand-are studying at NIDS. India, now rising in the 
international community, has sent Ajitto Bonsle (TN: phonetic), 50, 
a colonel of the Indian Air Force. In recent years, Japan and 
Australia have been rapidly deepening their bilateral cooperation in 
the security area. Participating from Australia is Guy Bowkenski 
(TN: phonetic), 36, who was deputy chief of an office for Japan and 
the Korean Peninsula at the Australian Defense Ministry. There are 
two from the United States, including Jonathan Goff, 41, a USMC 
lieutenant colonel. 
 
After all, international relations and alliances are both based on 
 
TOKYO 00001253  006 OF 007 
 
 
human relations accumulated. It is even more important to network 
people through foreign students all the more because Japan is now 
being called to cooperate with various countries in the security 
area. 
 
(6) Prime Minister's Official Residence's (Kantei) challenge to 
assume political leadership 
 
ASAHI (Page 1) (Slightly abridged) 
Evening, March 20, 2007 
 
The Abe government should have been made up of many Liberal 
Democratic Party (LDP) lawmakers who had supported Prime Minister 
Shinzo Abe in the presidential election. Moreover, Abe's aides 
should also share ideological motives with him. However, most of 
Abe's close colleagues were kicked out of the LDP when they opposed 
former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's postal privatization plan. 
Therefore a group of so-called "reform technocrats" now serve in 
posts as Abe's aides. Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa Shiozaki, 56, 
and Hiroshige Seko, 44, special advisor to the prime minister on 
public relations, are key reform technocrats. 
 
Abe visited China and South Korea last October to repair relations 
with the two countries that had been strained under the Koizumi 
government. Seko paved the way for Abe's trips to Beijing and Seoul. 
He held a 90-minute-session with Chinese reporters in Beijing. The 
first question was about Abe's visits to Yasukuni Shrine: "Isn't 
Abe's DNA the same as that of Nobusuke Kishi, Abe's grandfather, who 
served as a member of the militaristic cabinet of Hideki Tojo?" 
 
Seko rebutted, saying: 
 
"Regarding Yasukuni, Abe is a realist. When it comes to DNA, (I want 
to talk about) Kan Abe, Shinzo's grandfather of his father's side, 
was a politician, who criticized the Imperial Army and did not join 
the Imperial Rule Association, standing on his beliefs." 
 
Before becoming a member of the House of Councillors, Seko, 
succeeding an Upper House seat served by his uncle, worked as NTT's 
press division chief. He is called a public-relation professional. 
His policy is to not to tamper with the raw materials. The question 
is how he uses the materials at hand. 
 
Seko along with Abe struggled with the formation of the new 
administration. He thought that Abe was not a person like Koizumi, 
who tended to go his own way, he would be able to appeal his 
leadership to the public if he was supported by a group of capable 
people. Base on such an idea, five special advisor posts in charge 
of public relations, the economy and fiscal policy, national 
security, education and the abduction issue, were set up. In order 
to play up "political leadership," four special advisor posts were 
allocated to politicians. 
 
Since 2003 when Abe was LDP secretary general, Seko has worked on 
reform of the party, proposing winning unaffiliated voters and 
advertising candidates for elections. However, party staff members 
immediately rejected his idea. He now finds himself as a government 
official confronting bureaucrats. 
 
The duties of special advisors are to advise and provide their 
opinions to the prime minister. Therefore, bureaucrats think cabinet 
ministers are more important than the advisors. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001253  007 OF 007 
 
 
Last October when he thought that he should show the bureaucracy how 
he was involved in significant national issues, Seko called 
Shiozaki, and urged him, "Don't you think I should take part in 
meetings?" "Why don't you come and join us," Shiozaki said. Seko 
then passed on information handling to his subordinates. He said, 
"Since then, they have been enthusiastic about their job." 
 
Shiozaki said: "The Abe administration has been working on reforms 
to create new systems since the Koizumi government destroyed the 
conventional ones." He and Abe were elected to the Diet for the 
first time in 1993. Their seats in the Lower House plenary hall were 
next to each other. He once worked at the Bank of Japan. He was a 
one of the so-called new breed of lawmakers who were specialists in 
making policies. 
 
Under Abe's initiative in 2004, Shiozaki came up with three 
principles for political leadership: (1) prime minister-led cabinet 
leadership system; (2) elimination of bureaucratic initiative; and 
(3) farewell to policy cliques in the Diet. These three points 
became the basic stance of the Abe government. 
 
However, when the council to revitalize the education system, which 
is under the direct control of the prime minister, tries to submit 
its proposals, the Education Ministry moves to reject them. The 
policy that the prime minister does not meet bureaucrats under their 
minister without the attendance of their minister has been corrected 
because the prime minister was unable to get the necessary 
information. In contrast with the ideals of Seko and Shiozaki, their 
efforts to display political leadership is in a state of flux. Why? 
 
Norihiko Narita, 60, professor at Surugadai University, who served 
as policy secretary to former Prime Minister Morihiro Hosokawa, made 
this comment: "The Abe administration has adopted the US-style 
advisor system in Japan, which has a parliamentary cabinet system. I 
think such cannot work." 
 
Since the US president has strong power, the advisors can do most of 
things in the name of president. In Japan, each minister is 
responsible for each ministry. Even if the advisor on education 
drafts a plan, the plan should be presented to the education 
minister. If the minister disagrees with the plan, there will be 
discord between the advisor and minister. 
 
Isao Iijima, 61, policy secretary to former Prime Minister Koizumi, 
wrote in his book titled Secret Memoir of Prime Minister Koizumi's 
Official Residence that (politicians) must be able to handle the 
bureaucracy. Narita said, "I agree with him." Political leadership 
cannot be realized with just eliminating bureaucratic influence. 
There is a gap between the ideal and reality. How will the Abe 
administration fill that gap? 
 
SCHIEFFER