VZCZCXYZ0004
RR RUEHWEB

DE RUEHUL #0810/01 0790755
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 200755Z MAR 07
FM AMEMBASSY SEOUL
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 3461
INFO RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 2216
RUEHHI/AMEMBASSY HANOI 2078
RUEHKO/AMEMBASSY TOKYO 2327
RHHMUNA/CDR USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RUALSFJ/COMUSJAPAN YOKOTA AB JA
RHMFISS/COMUSKOREA J2 SEOUL KOR
RHMFISS/COMUSKOREA J5 SEOUL KOR
RHMFISS/COMUSKOREA SCJS SEOUL KOR
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHINGTON DC
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC//OSD/ISA/EAP//

UNCLAS SEOUL 000810 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PHUM SMIG KWMN KS
SUBJECT: FOREIGN BRIDES FLOCK TO SOUTH KOREA 
 
 
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SUMMARY 
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¶1.  (SBU) International marriages between Korean citizens and 
foreign spouses are occurring at a dramatic rate.  In 2005, 
international marriages numbered 43,121 or 13.6 percent of 
all marriages in Korea, up from 12,319 marriages in 2000. 
More than 70 percent of these marriages (31,180 in total) are 
between a Korean man and a foreign bride.  The Korean 
government is supportive of these unions as they provide a 
partial resolution to the growing problem of some young 
Korean men, who outnumber young Korean women by a sizeable 
margin, having difficulty finding a wife and starting a 
family, one of the key factors to Korea having the lowest 
birthrate among the OECD.  Demographic benefits aside, there 
are a number of cultural, social, and ethical issues that 
accompany this growing phenomenon as recounted to poloff by 
Clara, a young Vietnamese bride in Seoul.  END SUMMARY. 
 
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CLARA'S STORY 
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¶2.  (U) Clara, as she is called by the Korean nuns who run 
the Friendship House shelter where Clara currently resides, 
is a 24-year old woman from a rural village in Vietnam. 
Clara came to Korea in September 2006 following a wedding 
ceremony in Vietnam with her Korean husband, Mr. Kim.  One of 
5 children in a family struggling to survive in an isolated 
and poverty-stricken village, Clara embarked on the marriage 
with her Korean husband after three other women from her 
village successfully married Korean men and began sending 
money back to their families.  With the additional money, the 
families built decent housing and provided a more comfortable 
existence for the remaining siblings.  Although Clara did not 
want to leave her village, she wanted to do her part to help 
her family. 
 
¶3.  (U) Clara's parents talked with the other families whose 
daughters married Korean men.  Eventually her parents made 
contact with a Vietnamese business partner of a Korean 
marriage broker company.  Several weeks later, the Vietnamese 
broker arrived with Clara's future husband, Mr. Kim.  The 
broker, speaking in broken Vietnamese and Korean, provided 
very basic interpretation of the questions posed between the 
prospective bride and groom.  Clara asked why Mr. Kim had not 
yet married and why he chose to marry a Vietnamese woman. 
The broker responded for Mr. Kim saying that he had a slight 
mental condition but he was taking medication and it did not 
affect his daily life.  This "minor affliction" prevented Mr. 
Kim from finding a suitable spouse in Korea, the broker 
explained.  After a meeting that lasted less than an hour, 
all parties agreed to the marriage which occurred two days 
later.  Mr. Kim and Clara spent an additional two days 
together on their "honeymoon" in a nearby city before Mr. Kim 
returned to Korea. 
 
¶4.  (U) Clara arrived in Korea approximately 3 months after 
the wedding.  Mr. Kim completed all of the necessary 
paperwork required by the Korean immigration authorities who 
issued F-2 visa for foreign brides in Korea.  Upon arrival, 
Clara was taken to her new home on the outskirts of Seoul. 
Contrary to many of the marriages between Korean men and 
Southeast-Asian women, Mr. Kim was not a farmer living in the 
countryside; he had a low-paying job as a janitor for a large 
office building in Seoul.  Clara was also introduced to her 
mother-in-law and brother-in-law.  From the beginning, her 
new relatives treated her well and were glad to see that Mr. 
Kim had finally found some companionship as Mr. Kim was 37 
with no viable prospects for marriage. 
 
¶5.  (U) Clara began her new life in Seoul but soon found it 
was a very isolated and lonely existence.  At home alone for 
most of the day, Clara found little to do in her small 
apartment and did not feel comfortable venturing out as she 
did not speak the language and was not familiar with life in 
a "big city".  Her main source of relief was frequent phone 
calls to her family in Vietnam and to her Vietnamese friend 
who was also living in Korea.  Eventually, her husband had to 
limit these phone calls as the monthly bill became 
burdensome.  Although Clara was not physically limited in her 
freedom to enjoy life in Korea, she was very aware of the 
cultural and linguistic differences between herself and those 
she came into contact with. 
 
¶6.  (U) Shortly after Clara's arrival, she began to see signs 
in her husband's conduct and health that were not in line 
with the explanations provided by the marriage broker during 
the original meeting in Vietnam.  Her husband had violent 
seizures and was frequently agitated, causing Clara to fear 
for her safety.  His mental challenges and frustration with 
Clara eventually led Mr. Kim to physically abuse her. 
Despite the pleadings of her relatives in Vietnam and Mr. 
Kim's family in Seoul, Clara decided to leave her husband and 
seek refuge at a local Christian church.  The church referred 
Clara to the care of the "Sisters" or nuns who run the 
Friendship House, a church-funded shelter for foreign women 
who are victims of abuse. 
 
¶7.  (U) The nuns counseled Clara to try to work things out 
with her husband and even arranged a meeting between the 
couple.  After the meeting failed to assuage Clara's concerns 
about her safety or the true health condition of her husband, 
she decided to seek a divorce and planned to return to 
Vietnam.  Although Clara said that she felt safe in the 
shelter and was comforted by the care provided by the nuns, 
she was very nervous about the reception that she would 
receive from her family and friends back in Vietnam.  Knowing 
that she went to Korea to provide a better life for herself 
and for her family, Clara is likely to face a difficult 
transition back into the village where all will know that she 
failed where others have reaped great success and prosperity. 
 
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FRIENDSHIP HOUSE 
---------------- 
 
¶8.  (U) Started in 2003, Friendship House was founded to 
support female victims of prostitution and human trafficking, 
most of whom were from Russia.  As Korea stopped issuing the 
E-6 entertainer visas which were the main source of foreign 
sex workers in Korea, the victims at the shelter have shifted 
from Eastern European entertainers to Southeast Asian brides. 
 Each year, Friendship House assists approximately 50 women 
seeking legal and medical counseling or to return to their 
home country.  The shelter is funded solely through 
charitable contributions from local Christian churches.  In 
the past, Friendship House accepted government funding but 
because of burdensome bureaucracy, they decided to stop 
accepting government assistance. 
 
¶9.  (U) The shelter itself is a residential dwelling on the 
outskirts of Seoul.  Located in a quiet neighborhood, there 
are no signs or markings to indicate to the common passerby 
that the shelter exists.  The shelter tries not to attract 
public attention in order to protect the residents.  Although 
the interior of the house itself is cozy and inviting, the 
curtains hanging on the large front window partially conceal 
a metal security gate that the Sisters pull closed each night 
to keep out unwanted visitors; a subtle reminder that these 
women are victims and in need of protection. 
 
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COMMENT 
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¶10.  (SBU) Many foreign brides are treated well and afforded 
opportunities they would never have in their home country. 
In general, overcoming linguistic and cultural differences 
are often cited as the leading causes of divorce among 
international couples.  Despite these formidable challenges, 
in 2005 only five percent of international couples requested 
a divorce, far below the national divorce rate of 41 percent. 
 Not only are many of these couples staying together, most of 
them are starting a family as well.  Among Vietnamese brides 
who came to Korea between 2003 and 2005, 94 percent gave 
birth to children. 
 
¶11.  (SBU) Although the influx of foreign brides has helped 
to raise the marriage rate among Korean men, there are a 
number of long-term concerns that the Korean government is 
just now beginning to address.  Cultural assimilation of 
foreign brides and the resulting "Korasian" children are two 
of the more prominent areas of concern as one of the most 
homogenous populations in the world tries to deal with the 
idea of becoming more heterogeneous.  Although it got a late 
start, the Korean government is working diligently to help 
foreigners in Korea and make their transition as smooth as 
possible, but it will take several years to catch up with the 
booming trend of international marriages. 
VERSHBOW