VZCZCXYZ0011
PP RUEHWEB

DE RUEHDG #0597/01 0782025
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 192025Z MAR 07
FM AMEMBASSY SANTO DOMINGO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7707
INFO RUEHZA/WHA CENTRAL AMERICAN COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA PRIORITY 1639
RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS PRIORITY 0742
RUEHPU/AMEMBASSY PORT AU PRINCE PRIORITY 4524
RUEHSP/AMEMBASSY PORT OF SPAIN PRIORITY 1777
RUEHUNV/USMISSION UNVIE VIENNA PRIORITY 0016
RUEAWJA/DEPT OF JUSTICE WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCOWCV/CUSTOMS CARIBBEAN ATTACHE MIAMI FL PRIORITY
RHMCSUU/FBI WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAHLC/HOMELAND SECURITY CENTER WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEFHLC/HQS DHS WASHDC PRIORITY
RUMISTA/CDR USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL PRIORITY
RHEHOND/DIR ONDCP WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY

UNCLAS SANTO DOMINGO 000597 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPARTMENT OF STATE FOR WHA DAS DUDDY, WHA/CAR SEARBY, 
INL/LP AARIAS; DEPT PASS DEA FOR APLACIDO; PASS ONDCP FOR 
PATRICK WARD; SOUTHCOM FOR JIATF SOUTH, ALSO FOR POLAD 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PREL SNAR KCRM CO HA VE TD DR
SUBJECT: REGIONAL DRUGS SUMMIT CALLS FOR INCREASED U.S. 
SUPPORT IN CARIBBEAN 
 
¶1. (U) Summary.  On March 16, OAS Secretary General Insulza, 
President Preval of Haiti, President Uribe of Colombia, and 
Prime Minister Manning of Trinidad and Tobago joined 
Dominican President Fernandez to sign a non-binding 
declaration on measures to counter threats posed by the 
trafficking of drugs through the Caribbean corridor.  Though 
the Declaration itself carefully avoided reference to the 
United States, Preval and Manning utilized the summit to 
criticize the United States bluntly for a perceived reduction 
of aid in the fight against narcotrafficking.  Fernandez, 
too, noted a perceived reduction in aid, while President 
Uribe stood out as strong supporter of U.S. efforts in the 
region and a critic of European resistance to aerial 
spraying. Representatives from the United Nations, the 
Organization of American States, the European Union 
(Germany), Venezuela, Spain, France, the Netherlands, and the 
United States were invited attendees.  End Summary. 
 
------------------ 
Summit Declaration 
------------------ 
 
-- Academics criticize the United States 
 
¶2. (SBU) While the declaration drafting process began on 
March 13, it was underpinned by the March 12 presentations of 
eight academics and experts speaking in their individual 
capacities.  By and large, this group proved critical of the 
United States.  Typically, presenters noted the United States 
to be the source of demand driving the drug trade, suggested 
the USG was inappropriately fixated on interdiction and 
supply reduction, and claimed that the USG was reducing the 
amounts of counter-narcotics assistance (including funds for 
U.S. demand reduction) in order to fund U.S. military 
commitments in Afghanistan and Iraq.  Particularly noteworthy 
for his criticism was University of Miami Professor Bruce 
Bagley, a recognized expert in international narcotics 
trafficking.  Bagley has been examining the 
Colombia-Dominican Republic drug nexus since at least 1998. 
 
-- Declaration drafts 
 
¶3. (SBU) The Haitian technical delegation headed by National 
Security Minister Martin Joseph submitted a moderately worded 
draft the morning of the 13th, which was set aside.  The 
subsequently submitted Dominican draft declaration 
(Spanish-language text only) was examined by drafters. 
Participating vigorously in the drafting process were 
representatives from the Dominican Republic, Haiti, 
Venezuela, Columbia, the United States, and the OAS 
Inter-American Drug Control Commission (CICAD), as well as 
independent expert Diana Pardo of contracted organizing 
entity Newlink Political Consulting and Research.  Also 
present during negotiations were representatives from 
CARICOM, France, and MINUSTAH. 
 
¶4. (SBU) The Bagley presentation influenced the initial 
Dominican draft, which focused on the reduction of bilateral 
aid to the region, as well as the issue of demand.  While all 
delegations ultimately proved flexible in finding consensus 
on Declaration language, the Haitian delegation was notable 
for its initial insistence on the inclusion of language 
regarding the reduction of bilateral aid.  The Dominicans, in 
turn, were slow to come off their initial language suggesting 
the need for "state of the art" technology, specifically 
radars and wiretapping equipment.  Last-minute delays were 
caused by Colombia's attempt to rephrase the entire 
trafficking issue as a "global drug problem," given their 
representatives' concern that draft language targeting 
"trafficking" was implicitly directed at Colombia.  Organizer 
Pardo was resistant to the inclusion of language regarding 
supply reduction.  Notably, Venezuelan representatives were 
generally non-political and cooperative, with the U.S. and 
Venezuelan delegations mutually reinforcing many of each 
others' points.  (Note:  This cooperation should be looked at 
 
 
with an eye toward future regional events.  The Venezuelan 
delegation spoke privately of a hoped-for future regional 
drugs summit involving President Chavez.  End note.) 
Interestingly, Venezuelan negotiators acknowledged the 
transit of narcotics aircraft through their territory, but 
attributed this to Venezuela,s lack of technical means 
(i.e., radar) and pledged future improvement. 
 
--------------- 
Summit Speeches 
--------------- 
 
-- Venezuela 
 
¶5.  (SBU) The public remarks of Venezuelan Drug Czar Nestor 
Luis Reverol Torres re-emphasized the non-confrontational 
approach.  Reverol's remarks and accompanying PowerPoint 
presentation stressed expected future improvements in 
Venezuelan interdiction, largely through the introduction of 
new coastal radar systems and special maritime interdiction 
units, while stressing existing efforts to screen cargo at 
Venezuelan ports.  He did not once mention the United States. 
 
-- Prime Minister Manning 
 
¶6.  (U) Manning took rather the opposite tact in his remarks, 
pointedly criticizing the United States directly for 
"abandoning the eastern Caribbean." He declared Trinidad and 
Tobago in dire need of external funds, as it is "willing but 
unable to patrol its territory," given grinding poverty 
caused by "loss of preferential market access and changing 
patterns in trade."  Calling himself a "voice in the 
wilderness," he said that U.S. policy in the region does not 
support U.S. rhetoric that the eastern Caribbean is the 
"third frontier" in the fight against narcotics.  In specific 
support of this contention he cited the recent trip of 
President Bush to Latin America -- and said "the fact that 
the President did not visit a single Caribbean country forces 
us to pose the issue of how we are seen."  Manning also noted 
the country,s supply of significant amounts of liquefied 
natural gas, ammonia, and methanol to the United States, with 
little U.S. reciprocity in terms either of attention or of 
funds. 
 
-- President Preval 
 
¶7.  (U) Preval began his remarks by quoting from sections of 
the latest USG report on narcotics (INSCR) regarding Haiti, 
to the effect that "Haiti is a privileged land for 
traffickers" and a "weak state."  This led to a plea to the 
Haitian people for peace, as "political violence breeds 
impunity."  Unlike Manning, Preval continued by stressing the 
regional responsibility for increased cooperation and the 
need for governments to improve education systems, youth 
prevention programs, and opportunities for civic 
participation. 
 
¶8.  (U) Preval highlighted his suggestion of a greater role 
for the United States as a "larger consumer country."  Preval 
insisted that the United States must mobilize additional 
resources to attack demand (termed as "consumer networks") 
within its own territory.  He further called on the World 
Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, the European Union, 
and the United States for increased direct assistance, and he 
asked U.S. religious communities and human rights 
organizations to motivate the U.S. government toward action. 
His final call was for all to "work together without 
hypocrisy" and "without accusing each other." 
 
-- President Uribe 
 
¶9.  (U) Speaking forcefully and extemporaneously for roughly 
thirty minutes, Uribe repeatedly expressed Colombia's "will 
to beat illicit drugs in all their dimensions."  He spoke at 
length and favorably regarding aerial spraying, noting "what 
 
is dangerous is not the scientific protocol of spraying 
itself, but rather the exploitation of the jungle to plant 
drugs (illicit crops) and the chemical precursors used in 
processing." 
 
¶10.  (U) In speaking on spraying, Uribe referenced U.S. 
assistance, asked CICAD for additional studies to demonstrate 
the safety of spraying, confirmed that the Colombian people 
were not against the practice, and challenged the European 
Union to fund manual eradication, should they not be able to 
overcome their objections to aerial application of 
herbicides. He further challenged citizens of "sister 
nations" to come forward with claims regarding 
extra-territorial spraying, stating that "our decision is to 
eradicate drugs, not to have arguments with our neighbors." 
 
¶11.  (U) Uribe,s remarks strongly backed Plan Colombia and 
suggested that alternative development, while useful, is not 
a prerequisite for eradication operations, as "drugs cause a 
displacement of Colombians abroad that impoverishes the 
nation."  A first step must be the "democratic application of 
force" (alternately described as authority or coercion) which 
he finds "necessary to get the people accustomed to drug 
trafficking to stop." 
 
¶12.  (U) Part of this democratic application appears to be 
the air bridge denial program, which he commended and 
suggested be expanded throughout the region.  Another part 
would be the criminalization of narcotics possession, which 
he intends to submit to the Colombian legislature as a 
proposed constitutional reform.  A further component is the 
frequent use of the extradition process, which he asserts the 
Colombian people do not reject (as opposed to drug 
traffickers whom he directly calls "terrorists.") 
 
¶13.  (U) For Uribe, the best application of force is 
coordinated.  Accordingly, he calls on the United States to 
coordinate interdiction activities with both Colombia and 
Venezuela and calls on the OAS to help prepare an 
inter-American convention dealing with interdiction. 
 
¶14.  (U) Again reiterating Colombia's commitment to eradicate 
narcotics trafficking, Uribe concluded with an outright 
rejection of legalization, using an ecological argument ("Who 
can guarantee that they won't cut down the entire Amazon 
jungle?"), before promising to share whatever Colombian 
resources possible with the region in the fight against drugs. 
 
¶15.  (U) Uribe's remarks brought a partial standing ovation 
and were so well received that both Manning and Fernandez 
rose from their seats to shake Uribe's hand. 
HERTELL