VZCZCXYZ0011
RR RUEHWEB

DE RUEHRA #0186/01 0681415
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 091415Z MAR 07
FM AMEMBASSY RIGA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 3853
INFO RUEHVL/AMEMBASSY VILNIUS 3829
RUEHTL/AMEMBASSY TALLINN 4037
RUEHMO/AMEMBASSY MOSCOW 1178

UNCLAS RIGA 000186 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: SCUL PGOV LG
SUBJECT: LATVIAN MEDIA: TWO SEPARATE WORLDS 
 
¶1. (U) SUMMARY: Latvian media exists in two parallel spheres, based 
on language, which media experts refer to as the "two information 
spaces".  This media segmentation tends to reinforce existing 
ethnic-based differences in Latvian public opinion, and creates some 
challenges for Latvia's leadership. The media division is based not 
only on language but also on reporting styles and on content.  The 
Russian-language media in Latvia is largely influenced by broadcast 
media received from Moscow.  Latvian-language media more closely 
approximates Western reporting standards and differs noticeably from 
the Russian-language media that tend to be more reflective of old 
Soviet journalism and with no clear line between news and opinion. 
The press in Latvia tends to be passive and conducts little 
investigative journalism, although this is slowly beginning to 
change. Embassy press releases are often reprinted in full as the 
complete story. Reaching the widest possible audience in Latvia 
requires a media strategy that bridges the linguistic divide and 
that connects with multiple media outlets. Reaching a particular 
target audience, on the other hand, entails focus on media that 
appeals to that segment of the Latvian population. END SUMMARY 
 
Print media 
----------- 
 
¶2. (U) To reach decision makers at the national level, the preferred 
sources would be mainstream quality newspapers like Latvian-language 
Diena, Neatkariga Rita Avize and Russian-language Telegraf.  To 
reach the countryside audience Latvijas Avize and regional 
newspapers are preferred.  Seniors who speak Russian prefer the 
"retro-communist" newspaper Vesti Sevodnya. To attract the largest 
numbers with a human interest story, the women's weekly magazine 
Ieva or the celebrity journal Privata Dzive (Private Life) are the 
preferred venues. 
 
 
¶2. (U) Diena, owned by Scandinavian media giant Bonnier, is the most 
widely read and influential newspaper among the political and social 
elite in Latvia, with a circulation of 70,000, but an actual 
readership of an estimated 360,000.  Some even refer to this 
centrist newspaper as a political party in its own right because its 
commentaries are written by the most seasoned columnists.  Diena 
tends to be pro-U.S. on major foreign policy issues including NATO 
membership and Latvian involvement in Iraq, and progressive on 
social issues. 
 
¶3. (U) The closest competitors are the daily Latvijas Avize with a 
circulation of 90,000 mostly in the countryside, and Neatkariga Rita 
Avize in urban areas, circulation 40,000.  Both papers are 
politically and socially conservative and are owned by the oil 
export company Ventspils Nafta in the western Latvian city of 
Ventspils.  Neatkariga Rita Avize tends to be staunchly 
nationalistic, opposed to major US and NATO foreign policy 
initiatives, and conservative on social issues. Latvijas Avize 
reports on national and local news and rarely addresses 
international news in any depth. 
 
¶4. (U) Telegraf is the only Western-style Russian-language newspaper 
in Latvia and is the sole Russian-language paper to adhere to 
professional standards of journalism.  Since Latvia joined the EU, 
Telegraf has devoted more effort to explaining domestic affairs 
instead of parroting Moscow's perspectives.  Telegraf tends to 
report facts and not repeat rumors as news.  They are generally 
balanced in their reporting of US foreign policy and progressive on 
social issues. 
 
¶5. (U) Glossy gossip magazines garner the highest readership and 
sales.  The most popular publications in Latvia are both Latvian and 
Russian-language women's magazines or weekly human-interest type 
newspapers or supplements.  Ieva, Santa, Ljublju, and Subotta are 
just a few examples.  Privata Dzive magazine stays on top of the 
news, approaching issues from the angle of "personality."  If your 
picture is not published in Privata Dzive, your star doesn't shine 
in Latvia's social, political or economic life.  The content divide 
between Latvian and Russian publications in this market niche is the 
smallest, though Russian glossy magazines tend to feature a lot of 
articles about Russian and Moscow stars. 
 
¶6. (U) Latvia's print media landscape is diverse and includes many 
specialized monthly magazines aimed at various target 
audiences-female and male readers, teenagers, artists, music fans, 
architecture lovers, philosophers, television "addicts" and other 
groups.  The "quality" news magazines, unfortunately, have not found 
their market niche yet. 
 
Broadcast Media 
--------------- 
 
¶7. (U) The two most popular nightly news shows are Latvian 
Independent Television's news, which is broadcast at 8:00 p.m. and 
Latvian National Television's news show "Panorama", which is 
broadcast at 8:30 p.m. Both are broadcast in Latvian language but 
are popular news sources among politically aware Russians as well. 
Most of the general Russian population, however, spends quite a bit 
of time watching channels from Moscow that are available via cable 
for a relatively small monthly fee.  The Russian channels tend to 
broadcast Moscow news programs directly from Russia without any 
focus on Latvian news perspectives, as well as Moscow-centric 
programs, live entertainment shows, and old Russian films. 
 
¶8. (U) Locally produced analytical TV programs are weak, with the 
exception of Janis Domburs's political talk show "Kas notiek 
Latvija?" (What is happening in Latvia?) on Wednesdays at 9:30 p.m. 
It features contentious debates among politicians and government 
officials on "hot" issues, akin to American Sunday talk shows. 
 
¶9. (U) De Facto, a news program in the "60 Minutes" style 
investigative journalism, is broadcasted on Sunday evenings. The 
program generates positive discussion among those who are 
predisposed to support the revelations uncovered by the reporters 
but is dismissed as rumor mongering among the subjects of the 
broadcast stories. De Facto was the subject of a recent dispute 
between the journalists and the management of Latvian state 
television allegedly over the station's choice of the reporter hired 
to replace a journalist who is on maternity leave. The news team 
considered moving the program to an independent television station. 
For the time being at least, De Facto is still broadcast on state 
television with only three journalists. 
 
¶10. (U) Latvian National Radio remains the leading source of news 
and information, but in Riga several private stations have managed 
to attract a competitive audience.  Some stations, like Radio SWH, 
are making a real effort to develop their news departments with 
serious content.  Private stations nonetheless still lag behind 
Latvian National Radio's morning news, generally listened to by 
people driving to work. 
 
¶11. (U) Radio has gone the farthest in bridging the language divide 
that characterizes the Latvian media.  In particular, Latvian 
National Radio 4 programming has the unofficial nickname "the 
integration program" because it tries systematically to inform 
Russian-speakers about local news and to counter Moscow news in a 
constructive way. 
 
Conclusions 
 
¶12. (U) The existence of the two parallel media spheres means that 
public opinion develops in parallel spheres as well, creating 
certain dilemmas for Latvia's leadership in communicating with the 
populace and implementing policies which benefit from broad support 
across the population.  The Russian speaking, usually non-citizen 
and somewhat older population looks to the east for their 
information and forms their opinion based on what Moscow says. This 
is particularly important in bilateral relations concerning the 
treatment of ethnic Russians in Latvia. The Russian language press 
regularly lambastes the government over this issue, even if not all 
ethnic Russians consider the situation as stark as the media's 
portrayal.  The Latvian language press, on the other hand, tends to 
take a more nationalistic approach and downplays claims that the 
human rights of ethnic Russians in Latvia are infringed upon.  In 
general, both the Latvian and Russian press tend to reinforce the 
existing opinions and prejudices of their readership, rather than 
building bridges across what remains a substantial cultural divide. 
ANTWEILER