VZCZCXRO8170
PP RUEHCHI RUEHDT RUEHHM RUEHJO RUEHNH
DE RUEHPF #0058/01 0160129
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 160129Z JAN 07
FM AMEMBASSY PHNOM PENH
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7822
INFO RUEHXI/LABOR COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUCNASE/ASEAN MEMBER COLLECTIVE PRIORITY

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 PHNOM PENH 000058 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR EAP/MLS, DRL/IL, EB/TPP/ABT 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: ELAB ECON KTEX CB
SUBJECT: CAMBODIA'S UNIONS STUMBLE TOWARD DEMOCRACY 
 
 
¶1.  (SBU) SUMMARY:  In the last week of 2006, three labor union 
federations, representing more than 120,000 garment, shoe, and 
rubber workers and teachers, held their congresses to elect new 
leaders.  While the congresses fell short of democratic ideals, the 
increasing number of unions that are choosing to elect officers 
rather than continue under the leadership of unelected and 
long-serving founding presidents is a positive sign for union 
democratization.  END SUMMARY. 
 
Political Affiliations Apparent 
------------------------------- 
 
¶2.  (SBU) Three of Cambodia's unions--the pro-government 
confederation Cambodia Confederation of Trade Unions (CCTU), 
pro-opposition Cambodian Independent Teachers' Association (CITA), 
and the independent Cambodian Coalition of Apparel Workers 
Democratic Union (CCAWDU)--held union congresses and elections 
during the last week of 2006.  Political ties were evident at the 
CCTU congress, which was chaired by Minister of Social Affairs Ith 
Sam Heng, and the CITA congress, where Sam Rainsy Party 
parliamentarian Keo Remy attended and gave a speech.  Media coverage 
of the congresses also corresponded with political affiliation. 
Only the CCTU congress was covered in Khmer media, namely the 
pro-CPP Rasmei Kampuchea newspaper and the CPP's Apsara TV.  CITA's 
election--which had wider significance than the others due to 
president Rong Chhun's political prominence--received coverage in 
the French-language daily Cambodge Soir, while CCAWDU received no 
coverage at all. 
 
Flawed Elections are Better than No Elections 
--------------------------------------------- 
 
¶3.  (SBU) At the CCTU congress, only the presidents of the eleven 
constituent unions, rather than the individual workers, were 
entitled to vote.  Chuon Mom Thol, a prominent union leader who has 
come under increasing criticism for showing himself to be more 
interested in towing the CPP line than representing workers, chose 
not to run for re-election as president of the CCTU.  Som Aun, who 
disappointed labor observers by welcoming government intervention in 
garment sector-wide union-employer minimum wage negotiations, was 
narrowly defeated by Vong Sovann, who is seen by outsiders as 
moderate and deliberate.  For the first time, rank and file members 
were allowed to participate in the congress and observe the voting 
process.  Collectively, the eleven unions making up the CCTU have an 
estimated 80,000 members in the garment, shoe, and rubber sectors. 
 
¶4.  (SBU) International and local labor observers and some CITA 
members criticized the CITA congress for the non-transparent way in 
which the union apportioned votes to provincial CITA 
representatives.  Apparently fearing opposition from unions in a few 
provinces, CITA president and pro-opposition political leader Rong 
Chhun allegedly engineered the allocation of votes to ensure that 
provinces which supported him were given the lion's share of 
ballots--a tactic which he used at the last CITA congress in 
November 2004.  After calling for the election to be postponed so 
that the voting dispute could be resolved, several CITA members 
opposed to Rong Chhun's leadership stormed out of the congress, 
along with several observers.  Rong Chhun was re-elected after his 
prime opponent, Suong Hout joined the walk-out.  One improvement 
this year, however, was that the entire slate of union officers was 
up for election, rather than simply electing a president who has the 
authority to appoint the others.  Although it has only 8,000 
members, CITA has significant political clout due to its outspoken 
president, activist stance, and status as the only union 
representing civil servants. 
 
¶5.  (SBU) CCAWDU, one of the country's largest and most active 
garment sector unions with 36,000 members, also relied on a quota 
voting system, but in a far more democratic and transparent way than 
CITA.  CCAWDU votes were allocated to factory-level unions based on 
the number of union members at each factory.  Current CCAWDU 
President Ath Thorn, whose genuine enthusiasm for workers' interests 
is hampered by his sometimes rash and inconsistent leadership, was 
re-elected.  Labor observers praised the CCAWDU congress and 
election as the most democratic of the three. 
 
¶6.  (SBU) While acknowledging the shortcomings of the voting 
procedures at the CCTU and CITA congresses, government officials and 
labor observers were generally sanguine about union democratization. 
 American Center for International Labor Solidarity Country Director 
Alonzo Suson described the elections as a good starting point and 
worthy of emulation by other unions.  Oum Mean, Secretary of State 
at the Ministry of Labor, said that the elections were a "milestone 
for union democratization" and praised the unions as being more 
mature than before. 
 
¶7.  (SBU) COMMENT:  Like Cambodia's political parties, the country's 
unions have traditionally been formed around one charismatic leader 
who is the self-appointed president.  Just a few years ago, holding 
 
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elections for leadership positions was unthinkable, as it 
jeopardized the time, energy, money, and political risk the founder 
had invested in establishing the organization.  While still flawed, 
these congresses--and the increasing number of unions who are 
electing their leaders--are important steps in the democratization 
of Cambodia's adolescent union movement.  END COMMENT.