Keep Us Strong WikiLeaks logo

Currently released so far... 143912 / 251,287

Articles

Browse latest releases

Browse by creation date

Browse by origin

A B C D F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W Y Z

Browse by tag

A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z
AORC AS AF AM AJ ASEC AU AMGT APER ACOA ASEAN AG AFFAIRS AR AFIN ABUD AO AEMR ADANA AMED AADP AINF ARF ADB ACS AE AID AL AC AGR ABLD AMCHAMS AECL AINT AND ASIG AUC APECO AFGHANISTAN AY ARABL ACAO ANET AFSN AZ AFLU ALOW ASSK AFSI ACABQ AMB APEC AIDS AA ATRN AMTC AVIATION AESC ASSEMBLY ADPM ASECKFRDCVISKIRFPHUMSMIGEG AGOA ASUP AFPREL ARNOLD ADCO AN ACOTA AODE AROC AMCHAM AT ACKM ASCH AORCUNGA AVIANFLU AVIAN AIT ASECPHUM ATRA AGENDA AIN AFINM APCS AGENGA ABDALLAH ALOWAR AFL AMBASSADOR ARSO AGMT ASPA AOREC AGAO ARR AOMS ASC ALIREZA AORD AORG ASECVE ABER ARABBL ADM AMER ALVAREZ AORCO ARM APERTH AINR AGRI ALZUGUREN ANGEL ACDA AEMED ARC AMGMT AEMRASECCASCKFLOMARRPRELPINRAMGTJMXL ASECAFINGMGRIZOREPTU ABMC AIAG ALJAZEERA ASR ASECARP ALAMI APRM ASECM AMPR AEGR AUSTRALIAGROUP ASE AMGTHA ARNOLDFREDERICK AIDAC AOPC ANTITERRORISM ASEG AMIA ASEX AEMRBC AFOR ABT AMERICA AGENCIES AGS ADRC ASJA AEAID ANARCHISTS AME AEC ALNEA AMGE AMEDCASCKFLO AK ANTONIO ASO AFINIZ ASEDC AOWC ACCOUNT ACTION AMG AFPK AOCR AMEDI AGIT ASOC ACOAAMGT AMLB AZE AORCYM AORL AGRICULTURE ACEC AGUILAR ASCC AFSA ASES ADIP ASED ASCE ASFC ASECTH AFGHAN ANTXON APRC AFAF AFARI ASECEFINKCRMKPAOPTERKHLSAEMRNS AX ALAB ASECAF ASA ASECAFIN ASIC AFZAL AMGTATK ALBE AMT AORCEUNPREFPRELSMIGBN AGUIRRE AAA ABLG ARCH AGRIC AIHRC ADEL AMEX ALI AQ ATFN AORCD ARAS AINFCY AFDB ACBAQ AFDIN AOPR AREP ALEXANDER ALANAZI ABDULRAHMEN ABDULHADI ATRD AEIR AOIC ABLDG AFR ASEK AER ALOUNI AMCT AVERY ASECCASC ARG APR AMAT AEMRS AFU ATPDEA ALL ASECE ANDREW
EAIR ECON ETRD EAGR EAID EFIN ETTC ENRG EMIN ECPS EG EPET EINV ELAB EU ECONOMICS EC EZ EUN EN ECIN EWWT EXTERNAL ENIV ES ESA ELN EFIS EIND EPA ELTN EXIM ET EINT EI ER EAIDAF ETRO ETRDECONWTOCS ECTRD EUR ECOWAS ECUN EBRD ECONOMIC ENGR ECONOMY EFND ELECTIONS EPECO EUMEM ETMIN EXBS EAIRECONRP ERTD EAP ERGR EUREM EFI EIB ENGY ELNTECON EAIDXMXAXBXFFR ECOSOC EEB EINF ETRN ENGRD ESTH ENRC EXPORT EK ENRGMO ECO EGAD EXIMOPIC ETRDPGOV EURM ETRA ENERG ECLAC EINO ENVIRONMENT EFIC ECIP ETRDAORC ENRD EMED EIAR ECPN ELAP ETCC EAC ENEG ESCAP EWWC ELTD ELA EIVN ELF ETR EFTA EMAIL EL EMS EID ELNT ECPSN ERIN ETT EETC ELAN ECHEVARRIA EPWR EVIN ENVR ENRGJM ELBR EUC EARG EAPC EICN EEC EREL EAIS ELBA EPETUN EWWY ETRDGK EV EDU EFN EVN EAIDETRD ENRGTRGYETRDBEXPBTIOSZ ETEX ESCI EAIDHO EENV ETRC ESOC EINDQTRD EINVA EFLU EGEN ECE EAGRBN EON EFINECONCS EIAD ECPC ENV ETDR EAGER ETRDKIPR EWT EDEV ECCP ECCT EARI EINVECON ED ETRDEC EMINETRD EADM ENRGPARMOTRASENVKGHGPGOVECONTSPLEAID ETAD ECOM ECONETRDEAGRJA EMINECINECONSENVTBIONS ESSO ETRG ELAM ECA EENG EITC ENG ERA EPSC ECONEINVETRDEFINELABETRDKTDBPGOVOPIC EIPR ELABPGOVBN EURFOR ETRAD EUE EISNLN ECONETRDBESPAR ELAINE EGOVSY EAUD EAGRECONEINVPGOVBN EINVETRD EPIN ECONENRG EDRC ESENV EB ENER ELTNSNAR EURN ECONPGOVBN ETTF ENVT EPIT ESOCI EFINOECD ERD EDUC EUM ETEL EUEAID ENRGY ETD EAGRE EAR EAIDMG EE EET ETER ERICKSON EIAID EX EAG EBEXP ESTN EAIDAORC EING EGOV EEOC EAGRRP EVENTS ENRGKNNPMNUCPARMPRELNPTIAEAJMXL ETRDEMIN EPETEIND EAIDRW ENVI ETRDEINVECINPGOVCS EPEC EDUARDO EGAR EPCS EPRT EAIDPHUMPRELUG EPTED ETRB EPETPGOV ECONQH EAIDS EFINECONEAIDUNGAGM EAIDAR EAGRBTIOBEXPETRDBN ESF EINR ELABPHUMSMIGKCRMBN EIDN ETRK ESTRADA EXEC EAIO EGHG ECN EDA ECOS EPREL EINVKSCA ENNP ELABV ETA EWWTPRELPGOVMASSMARRBN EUCOM EAIDASEC ENR END EP ERNG ESPS EITI EINTECPS EAVI ECONEFINETRDPGOVEAGRPTERKTFNKCRMEAID ELTRN EADI ELDIN ELND ECRM EINVEFIN EAOD EFINTS EINDIR ENRGKNNP ETRDEIQ ETC EAIRASECCASCID EINN ETRP EAIDNI EFQ ECOQKPKO EGPHUM EBUD EAIT ECONEINVEFINPGOVIZ EWWI ENERGY ELB EINDETRD EMI ECONEAIR ECONEFIN EHUM EFNI EOXC EISNAR ETRDEINVTINTCS EIN EFIM EMW ETIO ETRDGR EMN EXO EATO EWTR ELIN EAGREAIDPGOVPRELBN EINVETC ETTD EIQ ECONCS EPPD ESS EUEAGR ENRGIZ EISL EUNJ EIDE ENRGSD ELAD ESPINOSA ELEC EAIG ESLCO ENTG ETRDECD EINVECONSENVCSJA EEPET EUNCH ECINECONCS
KPKO KIPR KWBG KPAL KDEM KTFN KNNP KGIC KTIA KCRM KDRG KWMN KJUS KIDE KSUM KTIP KFRD KMCA KMDR KCIP KTDB KPAO KPWR KOMC KU KIRF KCOR KHLS KISL KSCA KGHG KS KSTH KSEP KE KPAI KWAC KFRDKIRFCVISCMGTKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG KPRP KVPR KAWC KUNR KZ KPLS KN KSTC KMFO KID KNAR KCFE KRIM KFLO KCSA KG KFSC KSCI KFLU KMIG KRVC KV KVRP KMPI KNEI KAPO KOLY KGIT KSAF KIRC KNSD KBIO KHIV KHDP KBTR KHUM KSAC KACT KRAD KPRV KTEX KPIR KDMR KMPF KPFO KICA KWMM KICC KR KCOM KAID KINR KBCT KOCI KCRS KTER KSPR KDP KFIN KCMR KMOC KUWAIT KIPRZ KSEO KLIG KWIR KISM KLEG KTBD KCUM KMSG KMWN KREL KPREL KAWK KIMT KCSY KESS KWPA KNPT KTBT KCROM KPOW KFTN KPKP KICR KGHA KOMS KJUST KREC KOC KFPC KGLB KMRS KTFIN KCRCM KWNM KHGH KRFD KY KGCC KFEM KVIR KRCM KEMR KIIP KPOA KREF KJRE KRKO KOGL KSCS KGOV KCRIM KEM KCUL KRIF KCEM KITA KCRN KCIS KSEAO KWMEN KEANE KNNC KNAP KEDEM KNEP KHPD KPSC KIRP KUNC KALM KCCP KDEN KSEC KAYLA KIMMITT KO KNUC KSIA KLFU KLAB KTDD KIRCOEXC KECF KIPRETRDKCRM KNDP KIRCHOFF KJAN KFRDSOCIRO KWMNSMIG KEAI KKPO KPOL KRD KWMNPREL KATRINA KBWG KW KPPD KTIAEUN KDHS KRV KBTS KWCI KICT KPALAOIS KPMI KWN KTDM KWM KLHS KLBO KDEMK KT KIDS KWWW KLIP KPRM KSKN KTTB KTRD KNPP KOR KGKG KNN KTIAIC KSRE KDRL KVCORR KDEMGT KOMO KSTCC KMAC KSOC KMCC KCHG KSEPCVIS KGIV KPO KSEI KSTCPL KSI KRMS KFLOA KIND KPPAO KCM KRFR KICCPUR KFRDCVISCMGTCASCKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG KNNB KFAM KWWMN KENV KGH KPOP KFCE KNAO KTIAPARM KWMNKDEM KDRM KNNNP KEVIN KEMPI KWIM KGCN KUM KMGT KKOR KSMT KISLSCUL KNRV KPRO KOMCSG KLPM KDTB KFGM KCRP KAUST KNNPPARM KUNH KWAWC KSPA KTSC KUS KSOCI KCMA KTFR KPAOPREL KNNPCH KWGB KSTT KNUP KPGOV KUK KMNP KPAS KHMN KPAD KSTS KCORR KI KLSO KWNN KNP KPTD KESO KMPP KEMS KPAONZ KPOV KTLA KPAOKMDRKE KNMP KWMNCI KWUN KRDP KWKN KPAOY KEIM KGICKS KIPT KREISLER KTAO KJU KLTN KWMNPHUMPRELKPAOZW KEN KQ KWPR KSCT KGHGHIV KEDU KRCIM KFIU KWIC KNNO KILS KTIALG KNNA KMCAJO KINP KRM KLFLO KPA KOMCCO KKIV KHSA KDM KRCS KWBGSY KISLAO KNPPIS KNNPMNUC KCRI KX KWWT KPAM KVRC KERG KK KSUMPHUM KACP KSLG KIF KIVP KHOURY KNPR KUNRAORC KCOG KCFC KWMJN KFTFN KTFM KPDD KMPIO KCERS KDUM KDEMAF KMEPI KHSL KEPREL KAWX KIRL KNNR KOMH KMPT KISLPINR KADM KPER KTPN KSCAECON KA KJUSTH KPIN KDEV KCSI KNRG KAKA KFRP KTSD KINL KJUSKUNR KQM KQRDQ KWBC KMRD KVBL KOM KMPL KEDM KFLD KPRD KRGY KNNF KPROG KIFR KPOKO KM KWMNCS KAWS KLAP KPAK KHIB KOEM KDDG KCGC
PGOV PREL PK PTER PINR PO PHUM PARM PREF PINF PRL PM PINS PROP PALESTINIAN PE PBTS PNAT PHSA PL PA PSEPC POSTS POLITICS POLICY POL PU PAHO PHUMPGOV PGOG PARALYMPIC PGOC PNR PREFA PMIL POLITICAL PROV PRUM PBIO PAK POV POLG PAR POLM PHUMPREL PKO PUNE PROG PEL PROPERTY PKAO PRE PSOE PHAS PNUM PGOVE PY PIRF PRES POWELL PP PREM PCON PGOVPTER PGOVPREL PODC PTBS PTEL PGOVTI PHSAPREL PD PG PRC PVOV PLO PRELL PEPFAR PREK PEREZ PINT POLI PPOL PARTIES PT PRELUN PH PENA PIN PGPV PKST PROTESTS PHSAK PRM PROLIFERATION PGOVBL PAS PUM PMIG PGIC PTERPGOV PSHA PHM PHARM PRELHA PELOSI PGOVKCMABN PQM PETER PJUS PKK POUS PTE PGOVPRELPHUMPREFSMIGELABEAIDKCRMKWMN PERM PRELGOV PAO PNIR PARMP PRELPGOVEAIDECONEINVBEXPSCULOIIPBTIO PHYTRP PHUML PFOV PDEM PUOS PN PRESIDENT PERURENA PRIVATIZATION PHUH PIF POG PERL PKPA PREI PTERKU PSEC PRELKSUMXABN PETROL PRIL POLUN PPD PRELUNSC PREZ PCUL PREO PGOVZI POLMIL PERSONS PREFL PASS PV PETERS PING PQL PETR PARMS PNUC PS PARLIAMENT PINSCE PROTECTION PLAB PGV PBS PGOVENRGCVISMASSEAIDOPRCEWWTBN PKNP PSOCI PSI PTERM PLUM PF PVIP PARP PHUMQHA PRELNP PHIM PRELBR PUBLIC PHUMKPAL PHAM PUAS PBOV PRELTBIOBA PGOVU PHUMPINS PICES PGOVENRG PRELKPKO PHU PHUMKCRS POGV PATTY PSOC PRELSP PREC PSO PAIGH PKPO PARK PRELPLS PRELPK PHUS PPREL PTERPREL PROL PDA PRELPGOV PRELAF PAGE PGOVGM PGOVECON PHUMIZNL PMAR PGOVAF PMDL PKBL PARN PARMIR PGOVEAIDUKNOSWGMHUCANLLHFRSPITNZ PDD PRELKPAO PKMN PRELEZ PHUMPRELPGOV PARTM PGOVEAGRKMCAKNARBN PPEL PGOVPRELPINRBN PGOVSOCI PWBG PGOVEAID PGOVPM PBST PKEAID PRAM PRELEVU PHUMA PGOR PPA PINSO PROVE PRELKPAOIZ PPAO PHUMPRELBN PGVO PHUMPTER PAGR PMIN PBTSEWWT PHUMR PDOV PINO PARAGRAPH PACE PINL PKPAL PTERE PGOVAU PGOF PBTSRU PRGOV PRHUM PCI PGO PRELEUN PAC PRESL PORG PKFK PEPR PRELP PMR PRTER PNG PGOVPHUMKPAO PRELECON PRELNL PINOCHET PAARM PKPAO PFOR PGOVLO PHUMBA POPDC PRELC PHUME PER PHJM POLINT PGOVPZ PGOVKCRM PAUL PHALANAGE PARTY PPEF PECON PEACE PROCESS PPGOV PLN PRELSW PHUMS PRF PEDRO PHUMKDEM PUNR PVPR PATRICK PGOVKMCAPHUMBN PRELA PGGV PSA PGOVSMIGKCRMKWMNPHUMCVISKFRDCA PGIV PRFE POGOV PBT PAMQ

Browse by classification

Community resources

courage is contagious

Viewing cable 06NAIROBI4942, SPEECH ON U.S.-KENYAN RELATIONS DELIVERED BY THE AMBASSADOR

If you are new to these pages, please read an introduction on the structure of a cable as well as how to discuss them with others. See also the FAQs

Understanding cables
Every cable message consists of three parts:
  • The top box shows each cables unique reference number, when and by whom it originally was sent, and what its initial classification was.
  • The middle box contains the header information that is associated with the cable. It includes information about the receiver(s) as well as a general subject.
  • The bottom box presents the body of the cable. The opening can contain a more specific subject, references to other cables (browse by origin to find them) or additional comment. This is followed by the main contents of the cable: a summary, a collection of specific topics and a comment section.
To understand the justification used for the classification of each cable, please use this WikiSource article as reference.

Discussing cables
If you find meaningful or important information in a cable, please link directly to its unique reference number. Linking to a specific paragraph in the body of a cable is also possible by copying the appropriate link (to be found at theparagraph symbol). Please mark messages for social networking services like Twitter with the hash tags #cablegate and a hash containing the reference ID e.g. #06NAIROBI4942.
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
06NAIROBI4942 2006-11-21 14:31 2011-08-26 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Nairobi
VZCZCXYZ0022
RR RUEHWEB

DE RUEHNR #4942/01 3251431
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 211431Z NOV 06
FM AMEMBASSY NAIROBI
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 5586
RUEHDS/AMEMBASSY ADDIS ABABA 8942
RUEHDR/AMEMBASSY DAR ES SALAAM 4978
RUEHKM/AMEMBASSY KAMPALA 1700
RUEHLGB/AMEMBASSY KIGALI 4604
RUEHDJ/AMEMBASSY DJIBOUTI 4456
RUEHJB/AMEMBASSY BUJUMBURA 7012
RHMFIUU/CJTF HOA
UNCLAS NAIROBI 004942 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: KPAO PREL
SUBJECT:  SPEECH ON U.S.-KENYAN RELATIONS DELIVERED BY THE AMBASSADOR 
TO THE AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE IN KENYA 
 
 
1. Following is the text of a speech on U.S.-Kenyan relations delivered 
by the Ambassador before the American Chamber of Commerce in Kenya on 
November 21.  Significant local media coverage is expected. 
 
2. Begin text 
 
The United States and Kenya: A Robust Partnership 
By Ambassador Michael E. Ranneberger 
Speech to the American Chamber of Commerce in Kenya 
November 21, 2006 
 
Good afternoon.  I'm delighted to see that the hotel is serving turkey 
for lunch to mark the uniquely American holiday of Thanksgiving.  On 
this holiday we give thanks for our blessings  - good health, good 
friends, and loving families.  As this holiday approaches, I am 
thankful and feel very fortunate to be the representative of the 
President and the American people in Kenya, an ally and a friend.  An 
important aspect of my job is supporting the American private sector 
and business community, so I'm especially grateful to have this 
opportunity to be with you today. 
 
As many of you know, I arrived in Kenya on August 11th.  I've met with 
government officials, including the President, with opposition 
politicians, members of civil society, religious leaders, ordinary 
citizens, representatives of the private business sector, and many 
others.    I've traveled around the country, I've listened and I've 
asked many questions because, as Kenyans say, "Kuuliza si Ujinga," 
which means "asking is not being foolish."   I'll continue to listen, 
question, and learn throughout my time here. 
 
Today, I want to talk about the partnership between the United States 
and Kenya, which drives our strong interest in developments in this 
important country.   I've taken to heart the Kenyan proverb "Kufanya 
majadiliano mazuri ni utaji,"  which means "having a good discussion is 
like having riches."  Today, I won't be talking in diplomatic sound- 
bites; rather, I want to lay out my views in some detail. 
 
From my discussions I have gained a keen appreciation of the complexity 
of Kenyan society and politics.  But underlying this complexity is 
something clear and encouraging: a marked sense that the country is, 
fundamentally, moving in a positive direction.  As we look at longer- 
term trends and examine what Kenyans themselves are doing on the 
political and economic fronts right now, we have reason to be 
optimistic about the country's future. 
 
At the same time, we know, as you know, that the country faces immense 
challenges.  These include endemic corruption, insecurity, tribalism, 
persistent poverty and glaring disparities of wealth, severe 
environmental degradation, and the scourge of HIV/AIDS and malaria, 
among others.  These problems are real.  They are deep-seated and do 
not lend themselves to easy solutions, even if the resources and will 
required to tackle them were in abundant supply. 
 
Tackling these challenges forms the basis for much of what the U.S. 
Government does in partnership with Kenyans - the government, civil 
society, and you, the private sector.  There is, however, a real danger 
that an inordinate focus on these difficulties and the negative 
perceptions they generate about Kenya obscure the progress the country 
is making in many areas.  Equally important, I believe that Kenyans 
have the capacity - intellect and resources - to tackle successfully 
the challenges they face. 
 
Since 2002, the economy has been recovering steadily, with economic 
growth that may exceed 6% this year.  Kenya's recovery is broad-based, 
driven by an expanding and dynamic private sector that increasingly 
uses modern technologies and management practices. 
 
We see similar dynamism and growth in civil society.  Kenya's is 
perhaps the most active and vibrant in sub-Saharan Africa, ranging from 
self-help groups in rural villages, to watchdog organizations working 
to keep government accountable.  The media is robust.  Kenya, with an 
85 percent literacy rate, has an educated citizenry. There is 
remarkable activism on the part of youth and women, who are inexorably 
taking their rightful place in society and politics.  Very importantly, 
there is a generational change underway that will contribute to the 
transformation of this country. 
 
Politically, Kenyans from all walks of life are proud that their 
society now enjoys a dramatically increased scope of freedom and 
political space, even when compared to just five years ago.  As Will 
and Ariel Durant pointed out so eloquently in The Lessons of History, 
each generation is made richer by the achievements of those preceding 
it, but each generation equally has a tremendous responsibility to 
nurture and carry forward those achievements. Kenyans have earned their 
political freedom and they are rightly working to preserve, defend, and 
 
expand it. 
 
Contrary to the perceptions of many, the Government of Kenya is playing 
an important role in facilitating the progress taking place.  The 
country's long stretch of macro-economic stability boosts the 
confidence that underwrites current economic growth.  The government 
also is implementing long-overdue reforms in a range of sectors.  These 
include a complete overhaul of the telecom sector aimed at lowering 
business costs and making Kenya more competitive in the global scramble 
for trade and investment.  The government is rolling out budget and 
public expenditure reforms aimed at ensuring that taxpayer resources 
are directed to where they are really needed, and to ensure that the 
money is spent well and accounted for.  Privatization and procurement 
reform bills were passed recently, and the government is moving to 
implement both.  Civil service reforms are being enacted, and the 
government just announced an ambitious effort to reform the system 
governing the ownership of land in the country.  The list of reform 
programs goes on. 
 
Kenyans are rightly debating key questions.  Do these reforms go far 
enough?  Are they being implemented with sufficient haste?  Are they 
even the right reforms?  My point is that we shouldn't dismiss these 
changes out of hand. They are in many cases sincere efforts by 
dedicated public servants to improve the way Kenya is governed.  If 
these myriad reform efforts succeed, they will help unleash the full 
potential of Kenya's energetic and entrepreneurial people.  It's 
incumbent upon us to scrutinize these efforts, and support the reforms 
that hold the most promise. 
 
These broadly positive trends and developments provide fuel for the 
strong and growing partnership between our two countries -- our 
governments, our private sectors, and our people.   This partnership is 
built on common values and common interests.  Americans and Kenyans 
value hard work, education, freedom, and strong families. 
Specifically, our partnership embraces:  promoting shared democratic 
values and good governance; eradicating disease and poverty; promoting 
economic growth; fighting insecurity in the form of crime and 
terrorism; and collaborating to promote regional peace and stability, 
especially in Sudan and Somalia.   The United States and Kenya are, in 
effect, working together to advance a common agenda in a way that 
mutually benefits both countries. 
 
We don't just talk about partnership. We act on it.  Were we a private 
sector company, we would likely be the biggest foreign investor in 
Kenya, and one of its largest employers.  Our Mission is the largest 
U.S. diplomatic presence in sub-Saharan Africa, home to 18 Federal 
agencies and offices, and nearly 1,300 employees, both American and 
Kenyan.  We directly generate a similar number of jobs through the 
goods and services we procure locally in Kenya.   The U.S. is 
effectively investing about $1.4 billion in Kenya's economy and 
development in 2006 - through direct U.S.Government programs on 
governance, development, and security; through the value of Kenyan 
exports to the U.S. under the African Growth and Opportunity Act; 
through the new $40 million USAID building just dedicated yesterday; 
through remittances Kenyans send back from the U.S.; and through our 
direct support for programs carried out in Kenya by international 
organizations and institutions -- to name just some of the sources. 
Through the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, or PEPFAR, we 
are leading the fight against the scourge of HIV/AIDS in Kenya by 
providing $330 million over the next twelve months, a 60 percent 
increase from the previous year! 
 
The breadth and depth of American engagement in Kenya reflect the 
importance we attach to Kenya's growth as the most stable democracy and 
as the most important player, politically and economically, in East 
Africa.  Kenya's role as a regional leader makes it a strategic ally of 
the U.S. in carrying out programs and activities aimed at fostering 
peace, stability, and development across the entire region. 
 
To keep moving forward and to achieve the promise of a better future 
for all Kenyans, the challenges the country faces must be addressed. 
As President Kibaki himself told me when I presented my credentials, 
friends speak candidly.  As they say in Swahili, 'Akwambiaye 
Akupenda!,' which means a true friend will alert you to what lies 
ahead.  In my view, a true friend is someone who provides an honest and 
constructive perspective.  I have talked about many of the positive 
forces that are moving Kenya forward.  As a friend and partner, our 
responsibility is to help Kenya to maintain that progress and help 
prevent any reversal of the gains made. 
 
Of course, we cannot do more than Kenyans themselves want to do.  I've 
received a clear message from Kenyans across the political, social, and 
economic spectrum that they are determined to take the extraordinary 
steps needed to maintain momentum.  But it remains to be seen how this 
will be translated into action through Kenya's democratic system.  It 
 
is, perhaps, worth recalling the words of the great Kenyan writer Ngugi 
wa Thiongo, who said:  "We have to summon the collective will to decide 
that, if we shake hands with others in whatever forms of cooperative 
ventures and exchange, it will be on the basis of our standing on our 
two feet, however wobbly, rather than firmly leaning on any crutches. 
But what have we done as opposed to what has been done to us? What 
lessons have we really learnt from our ancestors who fought so 
resolutely against slavery and colonialism?" 
 
Addressing two of Kenya's major challenges would strengthen democracy 
and assure a brighter future. First, while it is increasingly free and 
open, Kenya's political process remains too narrowly focused on tribal, 
regional, and personal interests.  This is to the detriment of a 
national agenda and the welfare of the people as a whole.  When a 
country's political class - whether leaders in government or in the 
opposition -- consistently put tribal, family, or personal interests 
first, governance fails.  Government becomes not a pathway to achieve 
national consensus and development for the betterment of all, but 
rather a platform for patronage, cronyism, corruption, waste, and 
mismanagement. 
 
In discussing this sensitive issue, let me first state the obvious. 
The United States has had and continues to have its share of problems 
in this regard.  In decades past, political parties in the U.S. were 
often identified with specific ethnic groups or regions of the country. 
 
The result was violence and division.  Local governments in the big 
cities of the U.S. until only recently were seen less as service 
providers to the public than as patronage machines, doling out largesse 
to a select few groups or families, to the detriment of the greater 
public good. 
 
How Kenya charts its political future to overcome the scourge of tribal 
politics is for Kenyans and Kenyans alone to decide.  As a friend and 
partner, the U.S. is here to help, in part by way of the example set by 
our own experience.  I should add here that the recent very deplorable 
incident of discrimination against Ngugi wa Thiongo in the United 
States shows that we still have a long way to go. While our own 
democracy remains imperfect, today both of the major parties in the 
U.S. are truly national in scope.  As Kenya approaches an historic 
election next year, the U.S. will continue to support and encourage an 
inclusive process in which all the parties running for office reach 
across tribal and regional boundaries, and develop national platforms 
that address the key challenges facing Kenya and all its citizens. 
 
For the sake of Kenya's development and the U.S.-Kenya partnership, I 
urge all politicians and political actors in Kenya to begin now to 
frame their approaches to the 2007 elections in ways that appeal to 
Kenyans of all regions, religions, ages, gender, and tribal 
backgrounds. 
 
The second inter-related challenge facing Kenya is endemic corruption. 
 
Corruption undermines citizens' confidence and trust in government and 
in elected representatives.  If left unchecked, this volatile 
combination of corruption and tribalism could become a vicious and 
potentially dangerous downward spiral of insecurity and instability. 
The upsurge of violent crime in Nairobi and other areas are grave 
concerns.  The same kind of lapses in law and order that enable such a 
climate of insecurity to exist are the same ones exploited by 
international criminals and terrorists operating against Kenyan or 
foreign targets.  Effective action - and not over-reaction -- by police 
and security forces can, however, only be carried out if there is a 
clear sense that the rule of law is paramount. 
 
Grand-scale corruption is an historical fact in Kenya.  The reality 
today is that Kenyans face the challenge to stamp out corruption and 
ensure accountability.  Corruption creates a negative perception of 
Kenya both at home and abroad that will linger and persist until 
decisive action is taken to bring the guilty to justice - no matter 
what their position or degree of influence may be.  As I have met with 
ministers in the government, I have been impressed by much of what they 
have described about reforms being carried out in the civil service and 
in restructuring ministries to make them more transparent and 
accountable.    However, the mega-corruption cases - Goldenberg, Anglo- 
Leasing, and Charterhouse Bank and those associated with them - cast a 
pall over this reform process.  The dark cloud of these cases makes it 
difficult to talk credibly about the significant steps being taken in 
favor of accountability and transparency.  That is why it is so 
essential to send a clear message through dramatic action to bring the 
perpetrators to justice.  Instead, in recent days we have been 
presented with conflicting, inconsistent signals by the government. 
 
Let me again state the obvious.  We in the U.S. have our own problems 
with corruption.  It is a universal -- not a uniquely Kenyan or African 
 
-- phenomenon.  Early in our history, the standard was set commendably 
high by Thomas Jefferson who declared, upon leaving the presidency:  "I 
have the consolation of having added nothing to my private fortune 
during my public service, and of retiring with hands as clear as they 
are empty."  Yet almost two hundred years later, one only need look at 
personal politics in my country, at the vitriolic debate over campaign 
finance reform, at the corruption trials of lobbyists, prominent 
businessmen, and Members of Congress to appreciate the challenges we 
still face. 
 
Corruption in Kenya exacts a terrible human and economic cost and is 
probably the single greatest impediment to economic development and 
poverty reduction.  The Anglo Leasing-style contracts totaled some $700 
million.  To put this number in perspective:  $700 million is more than 
the total foreign assistance provided to Kenya over the past year by 
international development banks and governments like my own.  It?s $100 
million more than the amount budgeted by the Kenyan government for 
roads in this fiscal year.  It's almost twice as much as all money 
budgeted for health. 
 
Corruption taxes the private sector, raising the costs of doing 
business; thus leading to disinvestment.  The high costs and 
disincentives created by corruption discourage new investment -- both 
local and from abroad -- that is vital to Kenya's economic growth.  In 
short, corruption is like a cancer, robbing Kenya of the resources 
badly needed for development and prosperity.  It makes it impossible 
for Kenya, its institutions, and its people to produce to their fullest 
potential. 
 
As a partner, the United States stands shoulder to shoulder with Kenya 
and Kenyans in the war against corruption.  Several current and planned 
assistance programs strengthen institutional and human capacity to 
better enable the Kenyan government to investigate and prosecute 
corruption and other serious crimes.  In areas where there is strong 
political will within the government, we are stepping up with 
additional resources.  We also stand ready to cooperate fully with 
Kenyan law enforcement agencies in investigating the insidious 
international dimensions of grand-scale corruption.  We have done so in 
the past, and will do so again when asked. 
 
Beyond the deep-seated twin challenges of corruption and tribally- 
tinged politics, there are other very serious issues confronting the 
Kenyan people.  As I heard during my recent visit to Coast Province, 
there is tremendous concern about increased narcotics trafficking and 
the related plague of money-laundering, recently brought to light by 
the Charterhouse Bank scandal.  Corruption, narcotics trafficking and 
money-laundering are intertwined phenomena.  If they are allowed to 
take root and flourish, much of the progress towards democratic and 
economic institution-building will be undermined, and perhaps wiped 
out.  Urgent action is needed to address these growing problems.  A 
clear starting point is to take decisive action with respect to 
Charterhouse Bank. In addition to action in prosecuting corruption 
cases, the Government needs to secure passage of anti-money laundering 
legislation as soon as possible.  We and other partners stand ready to 
support implementation of an anti-money-laundering law once passed. 
 
Bringing corrupt officials and businesspeople to justice isn't just 
about changing the law.  It's about changing behavior.  The 2007 
elections are a major opportunity for Kenyans to do just that by 
insisting that candidates delineate clear proposed courses of action to 
deal with corruption, tribalism, and the other challenges facing the 
country.  I believe the electoral process in Kenya - under the watchful 
oversight of the Independent Electoral Commission -- can be conducted 
in a constructive, transparent manner. Achieving consensus on electoral 
reforms will make the electoral process more inclusive and 
participatory. 
 
In the United States, we often say that all politics are local.  We 
understand the role that local group identity plays in politics, 
whether it be regional, tribal, or ethnic.  Focusing on a national 
agenda, however, is a way of emerging from traditional zero-sum 
politics, from a strictly tribal or ethnic-based approach.  By focusing 
on such "win-win" agenda, politicians will accommodate the diversity of 
this great country and appeal to wider constituencies.  From my 
perspective, this is the challenge that parties and potential 
coalitions face as they enter the electoral period. 
 
During the 2007 electoral process, Kenyans will in effect be setting 
the agenda for the next five years.  This can credibly be done only 
through an inclusive, candid, national dialogue that leads to 
development of a substantive agenda to move Kenya forward.   Kenyans 
will share a large responsibility not just in electing the next 
government, but in holding that government accountable for implementing 
a broadly-shared national agenda.  A credible, fully participatory 
national electoral process is the key step forward in the fight against 
 
corruption and tribalism, and to maintain the positive momentum in 
Kenya. 
 
In a democracy, the ultimate power lies not with politicians, nor with 
the international community, nor with the rich and powerful, but with 
the ordinary people.  They get to decide if they are going to allow a 
leader to remain in office, or to send him into retirement; they get to 
reward good governance by extending the tenure in office of those who 
have lived up to their expectations; or they can - quite literally - 
hand over power to new leaders who have most effectively articulated a 
vision to which they subscribe. 
 
Some Kenyans maintain that they are being held to higher standards than 
some neighbors on issues of governance, democracy, and economic 
development. Perhaps this is true, but the Kenyan people themselves 
rightly set this higher standard when they demand greater 
accountability, transparency, better infrastructure, reliable public 
services, and greater public safety.  Kenya's democracy has come of age 
in a fast-paced world that allows no quarter to countries that don't 
take dramatic steps forward.   I believe most Kenyans appreciate this. 
And, as we all know - "atakae, hachoki!" - which means "a person in 
need never tires."  Indeed, it is the energy and commitment of Kenyans 
to move forward that makes me optimistic about the future of this great 
country.  That same energy and commitment ensure a strong future for 
the U.S.-Kenyan partnership. 
 
Finally, as one of the stewards of that U.S.-Kenyan Partnership, I 
pledge to keep in mind Colin Powell's rule number 13:  "perpetual 
optimism is a force multiplier!" Thank you again for having me here 
today. 
 
Asante sana. 
End text. 
 
3. This speech was cleared by the Country Team and in substance by AF 
A/S Frazer. 
RANNEBERGER