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DE RUEHBW #1842/01 3170636
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R 130636Z NOV 06
FM AMEMBASSY BELGRADE
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 9720
INFO RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 BELGRADE 001842 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: KISL KPAO KIRF PREL PHUM SR
SUBJECT: SERBIA'S SANDZAK -- DEMOCRATIC STANDARDS DROP AS 
LOCAL BOSNIAK POLITICAL MACHINE TEAMS UP WITH GOS 
 
 
¶1.  SUMMARY: A recent visit to the largest city in Serbia's 
Sandzak area, the home of Serbia's largest Bosniak minority 
community, shows the local political machine of Sulejman 
Ugljanin, a close ally of PM Kostunica, firmly in control. 
A murky election-day shoot-out during a Belgrade-backed 
recall of the local assembly several months ago has helped 
Ugljanin consolidate his control there.  The result is a 
serious set back for national democratic light and ICTY 
point man Rasim Ljajic that has prompted the local moderate 
Mufti to take on a more overt political role.  End Summary 
 
¶2.  Novi Pazar, the central city of Serbia's Sandzak 
region, is the most important city for Serbia's Bosniak 
community, as a historic trading post on the road linking 
Bosnia and Kosovo.  Sulejman Ugljanin, an aging former 
boxer, keeps a firm hand on the city's local political 
machine controlled by his Party of Democratic Action (SDA). 
Ugljanin is not encumbered by political principle; his sole 
motivation is to retain power and prevent any meaningful 
opposition to his rule.  Once a strong proponent of 
autonomy for the Sandzak and a supporter of the DS, 
Ugljanin left the DS caucus in 2004 and joined Kostunica's 
coalition; an amazing about face considering the PM's anti- 
autonomy stance.  For Ugljanin, the chance of enlisting the 
government in his fight against his former deputy and 
erstwhile rival Ljajic was too much to resist.  For 
Kostunica, it was an equally easy decision that allowed him 
to jettison the troublesome Nebojsa Covic from his 
coalition. Kostunica offered Ugljanin key deputy posts in 
the Ministry of Capital Investments (roads and 
infrastructure are critical to the mountainous Sandzak) and 
the Ministry of Local Governance (critical for interpreting 
national law on local governance), literally pulling the 
rug from under Ljajic's feet. 
 
Democratic Hopes Fall Prey to New Coalition 
------------------------------------------- 
 
¶3.  In the 2004 Novi Pazar elections, Ugljanin was dealt a 
heavy blow when Ljajic and his Sandzak Democratic Party 
(SDP) were able to get control of the city assembly.  Once 
assured of Belgrade's support, Ugljanin struck back, 
orchestrating an outrageous recall vote of the assembly and 
intimidating Ljajic's allies, including the local Mufti, 
moderate Muamar Zukorlic.  Shortly before the recall vote, 
Zukorlic was stopped by police on his way back to Novi 
Pazar after flying back from one of his periodic religious 
visits to Iran.  Even though he had not been stopped in the 
airport upon arrival, police stopped Zukorlic on the road, 
searching his vehicle and luggage. The Mufti refused to 
allow his personal bags to be searched.  Rumors circulated 
in the press afterwards suggesting that Zukorlic was 
carrying significant funds from Tehran that were to be used 
for political purposes.  Embassy sources confirmed 
Zukorlic's moderate political leanings, notwithstanding his 
peiodic trips to Iran and suggested that the inciden had 
been arranged by Ugljanin's machine to warn ukorlic 
aainst any involvement in the recall voe. 
 
¶4.  Local assembly elections in Novi Pazar o September 10, 
2006, pitted Ugljanin's ocal city machine against Rasim 
Ljajic's SDP. There were scuffles and incidents during the 
course of the day, culminating in the shooting death of a 
List for Sandzak candidate (party headed by Ugljanin) for 
councilperson, Ruzdija Durovic, outside a polling station. 
Two people from Ljajic's SDP were arrested for the 
shooting, after which Ljajic pulled his people out of all 
polling stations. As a result Ugljanin won control of the 
assembly, gaining 27 of 47 seats, while Ljajic's SDP, in a 
coalition with DS and G17 Plus, won 12 seats.  Following 
the shooting Ljajic stated that his party would not take 
part in future elections without OSCE observers present, 
and declared a boycott of the assembly election.  Ljajic's 
boycott meant the withdrawal of his party from the 
assembly. Of the 12 seats, the SDP gave two seats to the 
DS, two to the Green Party, and one to G17 Plus. 
 
Ljajic Fights to Save His Political Life 
---------------------------------------- 
 
¶5.  The events in Sandzak considerably complicate Ljajic's 
efforts in Novi Pazar and undermine his political standing 
not only among Sandzakis but at the national level as well. 
However, Ljajic is fighting to remain on the political 
scene. His initial efforts to start a minority coalition 
list for the next parliamentary elections have been 
overtaken by a generous offer from the Democratic Party 
(DS) for him to run on the DS list.  The deal offers him 
campaign funds, a promised ministerial post and several 
vice ministerial posts.  The catch is that it will be the 
DS, and not the SDA, that controls the party seats, 
constricting Ljajic's ability to maneuver on issues that 
 
BELGRADE 00001842  002 OF 003 
 
 
directly affect his constituency.  It is obvious that 
Ljajic recently lost some influence as a result of the Novi 
Pazar elections. However, he still has opportunities to 
overcome this setback. 
 
Conflict with the Islamic Community 
----------------------------------- 
 
¶6.  Ugljanin, encouraged by his electoral victory, has 
launched public and legal attacks against Mufti Zukorlic. 
Esad Dzudzevic, MP in the Serbian Parliament and Ugljanin's 
associate, is encouraging Bosniaks to sever ties with the 
SIC as long as Zukorlic remains the head. Zukorlic claims 
that Ugljanin won unfairly and now wants to co-opt the SIC, 
starting with Zukorlic's ouster.  One of the main points of 
contention recently has been control of the Islamic Faculty 
building, located across the street from the city hall in 
Novi Pazar. This building was recently vandalized, and the 
Mufti believes it is just one part of the ongoing attacks 
against the Islamic Community.  Ugljanin claims that the 
problem with the Faculty was the result of a question of 
ownership. He said he knew nothing of the issue until the 
Mufti organized a protest. Ugljanin considers this an issue 
to be solved by the courts, and says that he will not take 
sides. He admitted, however, his anger with the Islamic 
Community for making political statements (at local 
mosques) during the pre-election silence period. The Mufti 
on the other hand claims that he had a sort of "gentlemen's 
agreement" with the current owner of the building that they 
would share the space temporarily until ownership is 
resolved. The Mufti believes that Ugljanin is behind the 
vandalism as well as the building dispute. 
 
The Referendum in Sandzak 
------------------------- 
 
¶7.  Ugljanin's close relationship with Kostunica and the 
ongoing fight in the Sandzak community also presented a 
confusing picture of Bosniak support for the Constitution 
in the referendum held in late October.  Ugljanin was an 
ardent supporter of the constitution, claiming excellent 
relations between the Serbs and the Bosniaks in the region. 
He admitted that the Constitution was not perfect, but 
argued that the three major demands of his List for Sandzak 
party, List for Sandzak, were accepted, to include 
"balanced and proportional regional development."  He was 
willing to compromise on other points because he believed 
that this was important to the region. 
 
¶8.  The opposition took a different position.  In mid 
October the Meshihat of the Islamic Community of Sandzak, 
(also referred to as the Supreme Council, which provides 
Islamic spiritual leadership), along with five Bosniak 
parties, signed a declaration stating that the new 
constitution in Serbia ignores the demands of the Bosniaks 
and marginalizes them further. In this declaration they ask 
that President Tadic and Prime Minister Kostunica begin a 
dialogue about resolving the status of the Sandzak and of 
Bosniaks living in Serbia. This document was signed by 
Mufti Zukorlic, Ljajic (representing the SDP), Dzemail 
Suljevic (People's Movement of Sandzak), Fevzija Muric 
(Stranka za Sandzak), Tarik Imamovic (Sandzak Alternative), 
and Zehnija Bulic (Sandzak Democratic Union). Ugljanin's 
party, List for Sandzak, did not sign. 
 
¶9.  The results of the referendum were overwhelmingly in 
support of the constitution.  But the anomalous results 
(the Sandzak was listed as the part of Serbia most in 
support of the Constitution, with over 60 percent of the 
population coming out in favor -- this in spite of 
controversy surrounding provisions on minority protections 
and regional autonomy) and secret monitoring of specific 
polling stations suggests widespread election day tampering 
at the Sandzak polling stations.  More troubling yet, were 
reports, following the referendum, of a gun clash in Novi 
Pazar between a small group of Wahabis -- not a regular 
feature of the local Islamic community -- and others 
outside the main mosque. 
 
Lack of Free Press 
------------------- 
 
¶10.  Journalists in Novi Pazarsay that they are 
increasingly prevented from doig their jobs due to the 
lack of freedom of the pess. Generally, they are not 
allowed to ask quesions, but rather only to report on the 
situation. For example, when the shooting incident occurred 
in September, journalists who tried to cover the story 
returned home in fear for their safety. 
 
Comment 
------- 
 
BELGRADE 00001842  003 OF 003 
 
 
 
¶11.  The Sandzak has significant regional influence as a 
minority Bosniak area in Serbia that maintains close and 
sensitive trade links with Bosnia, Montenegro and Kosovo. 
Ugljanin's shenanigans over the last several months, 
suggest he would go to any lengths in his myopic and driven 
effort to eliminate the local opposition. Not only is this 
dangerous for Sandzak -- by lowering democratic standards 
and encouraging a dangerous mix of Islam and politics -- it 
is also bad for Rasim Ljajic, one of the more promising 
democrats on the national scene.  We are discussing with 
our GOTV implementers (NDI, IRI) how we can best support 
Ljajic's SDP and other parties in his coalition in the 
likely January parliamentary elections.  We will also 
continue to consider how to use our direct engagement (e.g., 
Ambassadorial visit, AID efforts) in Novi Pazar and in the 
Sandzak region more generally, to support democratic 
standards. 
 
POLT