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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 005483 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/22/06 
 
 
INDEX: 
(1) Poll on LDP President Abe, political parties 
 
(2) Net polling on LDP presidential election 
 
(3) New LDP President Abe likes sweets; His wife enjoys alcoholic 
beverages 
 
(4) Abe has ties with key business leaders 
 
(5) Baton of reform handed off to Abe administration (Part 1): 
Enemies in Kasumigaseki 
 
(6) Viewpoint on Abe administration (Part 1): A "new constitution" 
filled with contradictions 
 
(7) Abe to start picking successors to private-sector members of 
Regulatory Reform Council, CEFP; Selection of new line-ups will 
likely determine fate of reform drive 
 
ARTICLES: 
(1) Poll on LDP President Abe, political parties 
 
ASAHI (Page 2) (Full) 
September 22, 2006 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Parentheses denote the 
results of a survey conducted Sept. 8-9.) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)   38 (40) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 14 (14) 
New Komeito (NK)      3 (3) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP)   2 (1) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (2) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon)  0 (0) 
Liberal League (LL or Jiyu Rengo)   0 (0) 
Other political parties     0 (1) 
None         35 (36) 
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K)   7 (3) 
 
Q: Mr. Abe has now become the LDP's new president. Do you think it's 
good? 
 
Yes  57 
No  22 
 
Q: Do you feel an affinity with Mr. Abe? 
 
Yes  59 
No  31 
 
Q: Do you think Mr. Abe has strong leadership? 
 
Yes  29 
No  53 
 
Q: Do you think Mr. Abe has appropriately accounted for his 
political beliefs and ideas? 
 
 
TOKYO 00005483  002 OF 010 
 
 
Yes  38 
No  42 
 
Q: Do you think the LDP will change for the better with Mr. Abe as 
the LDP's new president? (One choice only) 
 
Change for the better  17 
Change for the worse  3 
No change     70 
 
Q: In last year's general election, the LDP ousted its lawmakers who 
opposed the privatization of postal services. Now, the LDP may take 
them back. Do you think it's acceptable? 
 
Yes  43 
No  42 
 
Q: Mr. Ozawa has been reelected to head the DPJ. Do you have 
expectations for him? 
 
Yes  43 
No  44 
 
Q: Who do you think is appropriate for prime minister, Mr. Abe of 
the LDP or Mr. Ozawa of the DPJ? 
 
Abe  57 
Ozawa 22 
 
Q: Would you like the current LDP-led coalition government to stay 
on, or would you otherwise like it to be replaced with a DPJ-led 
coalition? 
 
LDP-led coalition  43 (44) 
DPJ-led coalition  25 (34) 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Sept. 20-21 across the 
nation over the telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing 
(RDD) basis. Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting 
population on a three-stage random-sampling basis. Valid answers 
were obtained from 1,062 persons (59 percent). 
 
(2) Net polling on LDP presidential election 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full) 
September 22, 2006 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off.) 
 
Q: Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe won the ruling Liberal Democratic 
Party's presidential election and he will now become prime minister. 
Do you support him? 
 
Yes  65 
No  35 
 
Q: What do you think is the primary reason for Mr. Abe's victory? 
 
His policies were appreciated 
      9 
He was thought to be the best choice for the LDP to win next 
summer's election for the House of Councillors 
 
TOKYO 00005483  003 OF 010 
 
 
      41 
LDP lawmakers crowded around him in expectation of posts 
      21 
There was no other appropriate person 
      30 
 
Q: What is best about Mr. Abe? 
 
Experience    3 
Decisiveness    6 
International sensibility 5 
Popularity with the people 33 
Flexibility    4 
Ability to implement policy 2 
Foresight     1 
Ability to coordinate  4 
Personal character   16 
Morality     2 
Leadership    2 
Youthfulness    24 
 
Q: What is lacking about Mr. Abe? 
 
Experience    28 
Decisiveness    12 
International sensibility 7 
Popularity with the people 1 
Flexibility    6 
Ability to implement policy 15 
Foresight     4 
Ability to coordinate  5 
Personal character   1 
Morality     5 
Leadership    14 
Youthfulness    2 
 
Q: What do you want Mr. Abe to prioritize when he comes into office 
as prime minister? 
 
Constitutional revision  6 
Educational reform   6 
Fiscal reconstruction  20 
Social security reform  20 
Economic recovery   20 
Social divide rectification 13 
Asia diplomacy turnaround 14 
 
Polling methodology: MACROMILL, Inc., a research firm, sampled a 
total of 1,500 persons, aged 20 and over, at random from among its 
monitors registered as LDP presidential election monitors. The 
survey is conducted on the Internet, with the aim of obtaining 
answers from 800 persons each time. The latest fourth poll was 
conducted Sept. 20-21, and answers were obtained from 824 persons. 
 
(3) New LDP President Abe likes sweets; His wife enjoys alcoholic 
beverages 
 
ASAHI (Page 35) (Full) 
September 21, 2006 
 
Shinzo Abe, the new president of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), 
and his wife Akie, 44, got married in June 1987. They got to know 
each other through a friend when Abe was working as a secretary to 
 
TOKYO 00005483  004 OF 010 
 
 
his father, Shintaro Abe, who served as foreign minister. They have 
no child, but they have a dog named Roy. 
 
Akie graduated from the University of the Sacred Heart in Shirogane, 
Tokyo. She is a strong drinker, while her husband likes sweets very 
much. She easily goes out drinking with her husband's supporters. 
Perhaps realizing that she is similar to singer/songwriter Anri, 
Akie often sings her song "While Listening to Olivia " at karaoke 
bars. 
 
Akie worked as a disc jockey who went by the name of "Akki" at an FM 
radio station in Shimonoseki City from 1998 to 2002. Her program 
reportedly invited natives of Yamaguchi Prefecture who were active 
in Tokyo as guests. Since Akie did not use her real name, Abe's 
supporters in the city were unaware. 
 
In a meeting of the wives of LDP Diet members, Akie was quickest to 
raise her hand, saying, "Yes," to a question about whether the 
people present would still marry their husband if they had to do it 
over again. 
 
She showed up at a rally for Abe in August in their home 
constituency having cut short her trademark long hair. One of the 
participants took this as an expression of her determination to 
become the "First Lady." 
 
(4) Abe has ties with key business leaders 
 
ASAHI (Page 9) (Full) 
September 21, 2006 
 
The Shiki no Kai (Four Seasons Association) is a representative 
group supporting new Liberal Democratic Party President Abe. The 
group holds a meeting each season since several years ago. 
 
Abe is 52 years old, and most of its members are elderly, with their 
average age being 10 years older than Abe's. The group is featured 
by the lineup of chief executive officers (CEO) at heavy, 
traditional key companies. In contrast, Prime Minister Koizumi used 
as his brain CEOs at such new companies as Orix chairman Yoshihiko 
Miyauchi and Secom COE Makoto Iida. 
 
Members of Shiki no Kai 
 
-- Members since the group was inaugurated 
 
Mitsubishi Heavy Industry  (Chairman Takashi Nishioka) 
Central Japan Railway Co.  (Chairman Noriyuki Kasai) 
Nippon Steel Corporation  (Chairman Akio Mitamura) 
Tokyo Electric Power Co.  (President Tsunehisa Katsumata) 
Toyota Motor Corporation  (Chairman Fujio Cho) 
Japan Airlines Co.    (Chairman Toshiyuki Shinmachi) 
 
-- Members who joined afterward 
Tokyo Marine and Fire Insurance Co. 
       (President Kunio Ishihara) 
Nomura Holdings    (Chairman Junichi Ujiie) 
Sumitomo Corporation   (President Motoyuki Oka) 
Toshiba Corporation   (Chairman Tadashi Okamura) 
Bank of Mitsubishi-Tokyo UFJ Bank 
      (President Nobuo Kuroyanagi) 
Mitsubishi Corporation   (President Yorihiko Kojima) 
Fuji Photo Film Co.   (President Shigetaka Komori) 
 
TOKYO 00005483  005 OF 010 
 
 
Mizuho Corporation Bank   (President Hiroshi Saito) 
West Japan Railway Co.   (Advisor Shojiro Nanya) 
Shikishima Baking Co.   (Advisor Kazuaki Morita) 
Dai-ichi Mutual Life Insurance Co. 
      (Chairman Tomijiro Morita) 
Yamasa Corporation    (President Michio Hamaguchi) 
NTT Communications    (Advisor Suzuki) 
Transcutaneous Technologies 
(Chairman Hironori Aihara - former Mitsubishi Corporation vice 
president) 
 
(5) Baton of reform handed off to Abe administration (Part 1): 
Enemies in Kasumigaseki 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 1) (Slightly abridged) 
September 22, 2006 
 
Members of a council of advisers on reducing the size of the 
government, chaired by Secom Supreme Advisor Makoto Iida, met at the 
Prime Minister's Official Residence on the morning of Sept. 20. 
Although a number of members were absent from the meeting, the 
participants discussed the extent of progress in the reform of 
government-affiliated financial institutions, the last feature of 
Prime Minister Koizumi's reform initiative. In reports submitted by 
government agencies, "under study" was stamped on most of the listed 
reform plans. It is now clear that bills related to these plans have 
no chance of being submitted to the extraordinary Diet session, 
scheduled to open on Sept. 26. 
 
Officials in the Kasumigaseki government office area are still 
trying to obstruct restructuring plans. 
 
Shinzo Abe won the Liberal Democratic Party presidential election by 
a wide margin, but once he gives an impression of being affected by 
bureaucrats, he will find it difficult to keep his popularity 
ratings high. 
 
In an effort to prevent such a situation, Abe yesterday sent faxes 
to government agencies detailing a plan to invite applications from 
bureaucrats who wish to work for the Kantei and are eager to push 
ahead with reform, even opposing their own government offices. But 
closely looking at the conditions of entry in detail, we find some 
loopholes hidden in them. 
 
The conditions include these phrases: "The recruited officers will 
be in charge of devising policies for specific tasks under the 
instruction of the prime minister"; "Bureaucrats equivalent to 
senior planning officers or department directors are eligible to 
apply in principle"; and "They will not return to their former 
workplaces while the Abe administration remains in power." This 
represents Abe's determination to deny the conventional 
appointment-rotation system among government agencies, but it does 
not say: "They should join the special assignment office after 
leaving their workplaces permanently." 
 
The Koizumi administration invited experts from the private sector, 
like Minister of Internal Affairs and Communications (MIC) Heizo 
Takenaka, as the engine for its reform drive. Will it be enough only 
with bureaucrats in the role of reform engine? The answer to this 
question can be detected from the welcome mood in Kasumigaseki 
regarding the recruitment system. MIC Vice Minister Takatoshi 
Matsuda said: "(Recruiting personnel) is significant. We would like 
to farm out able personnel in a positive manner." 
 
TOKYO 00005483  006 OF 010 
 
 
 
Health, Labor and Welfare Vice Minister Tetsuo Tsuji also said: "We 
will be grateful if the Kantei uses our employees." 
 
The Finance Ministry, the Foreign Ministry, the Ministry of Economy, 
Trade and Industry (METI), and the National Police Agency provide 
their personnel as secretaries to the prime minister as a 
traditional practice. Under the Koizumi administration, a special 
task team composed of division-director-level officials from the 
MIC; the Health, Labor and Welfare (MHLW); the Agriculture, Forestry 
and Fisheries Ministry; the Land, Infrastructure and Transport 
Ministry; and the Defense Agency was assigned to the Kantei and 
participated in policymaking. 
 
Regardless of ostensible reasons, government agencies are actually 
of the opinion that they must not miss such a golden opportunity to 
establish a beachhead in the core of the government. A senior MIC 
official issued this instruction in the ministry: "Send more than 
three officers." There are ministries that have started selecting 
personnel under the lead of the personnel section. 
 
Out of fear that there might be no response, the Kantei has 
unofficially asked each government agency to send at least one 
application. 
 
In the LDP presidential election, the number of votes for Abe was 
smaller than that anticipated by his camp. In a bid for the LDP to 
win next year's House of Councillors election, Abe says that he 
would not hesitate to replace party-endorsed candidates whose 
performance is poor. His relations with Mikio Aoki, the head of the 
LDP caucus in the House of Councillors who is eager to protect the 
authority of the Upper House executive, have already become fragile. 
 
 
Such discord stems from Abe's demonstration that he is a "fighter" 
willing to take on sacred cows that not even Prime Minister Koizumi 
dared oppose. This is a similar approach to the one taken by 
Koizumi. He deemed the postal rebels "forces of resistance" in an 
attempt to highlight his unyieldingness. 
 
The key lies in directing bureaucrats' attention from their ministry 
interests to national interests and not making reform just a 
theater-type game. The baton of reform has been handed off to the 
Abe administration. 
 
(6) Viewpoint on Abe administration (Part 1): A "new constitution" 
filled with contradictions 
 
ASAHI (Page 1) (Abridged) 
September 22, 2006 
 
"Now is the time to end the murky and unstable system that has 
enveloped Japan throughout the postwar period and make clear Japan's 
autonomy." 
 
This is a passage from the preamble to Redefining Japan for the 21st 
Century, a set of proposals by the Institute for International 
Policy Studies chaired by former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone. 
The proposals were released on Sept. 5, days before the LDP publicly 
announced the official start of its presidential race. 
 
Nakasone calls for an end to the postwar setup. Shinzo Abe, who will 
soon become prime minister, advocates a new constitution. Their 
 
TOKYO 00005483  007 OF 010 
 
 
views are extremely similar. 
 
Abe called on Nakasone yesterday as the new LDP president. Receiving 
Abe, Nakasone said: "Your campaign pledges and statements seem close 
to my neoconservative liberalism. I'm counting on you." 
 
Both Nakasone and Abe are unhappy with the Constitution that was 
established during the Occupation and with the postwar regime. 
 
"At long last, I can speak my mind," Abe said six years ago before 
the Lower House Research Commission on the Constitution, which had 
just been established. Abe's real feeling is that the Constitution 
was forced upon Japan and that it has had an adverse effect on the 
mentality of the Japanese people. 
 
Constitutional revision is described in Abe's recent book as a 
symbol of the restoration of independence. Abe thinks that love of 
the nation and homeland has been given short shrift because 
constitutional revision has been put off. 
 
Social Democratic Party head Mizuho Fukushima called the urge to 
revise the Constitution a negative reaction to postwar democracy. 
 
Abe must have been frustrated with the over five years of 
constitutional debate under the Koizumi administration. 
 
The prevalent opinion in the Lower House constitutional commission 
was that the government must not play up the idea that the 
Constitution was forced upon Japan. In contrast, the Upper House 
panel was generally appreciative of the Constitution for its 
positive contributions to Japan after the war. 
 
Last fall, the LDP drafted a new constitution that generally 
reconfirms the present Constitution. 
 
Sixty years is a long time. Supporters of the current Constitution 
are a minority today. The focus of debate has also shifted from the 
propriety of revising the Constitution to how it should be revised 
specifically. The notion that the Constitution was forced upon Japan 
has also lost its momentum as a rationale. 
 
All those developments have enlivened Abe. 
 
Difficulties remain, though. Opponents of constitutional revision 
say that it would result in structural paradoxes. Former LDP 
Secretary General Koichi Kato took this view: "Mr. Abe doesn't like 
 
SIPDIS 
the Constitution that was forced upon Japan by the United States, 
but he is eager to enhance the Japan-US security setup. It's like 
turning on the air-conditioner and the heater at the same time." 
 
Abe has many sides when it comes to matters involving the United 
State, including the question of acknowledging the legitimacy of the 
International Military Tribunal for the Far East. 
 
Abe, who wants to establish a firm Japanese identity, also eyes 
transforming Japan into a country that is generous and open to all 
people in the world. Is Abe a one-dimensional nationalist or a 
well-rounded statesman? He will soon face mounting challenges and 
demonstrate his true nature. 
 
(7) Abe to start picking successors to private-sector members of 
Regulatory Reform Council, CEFP; Selection of new line-ups will 
likely determine fate of reform drive 
 
TOKYO 00005483  008 OF 010 
 
 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 5) (Slightly abridged) 
September 22, 2006 
 
With the inauguration of the new Shinzo Abe administration close at 
hand on Sept. 26, moves to pick private-sector members for 
government organizations that will play a central role in promoting 
reform drive are underway. Private-sector members of the Council on 
Economic and Fiscal Policy (CEFP), including Masaaki Homma, a 
professor at Osaka University, and Yoshihiko Miyauchi, chairman of 
Orix, who has headed the Regulatory Reform and Privatization 
Council, will resign en masse following the changeover of 
government. The new line-ups of these panels will likely affect the 
future course of economic policy the new administration will 
launch. 
 
The Koizumi administration, inaugurated in April 2001, shifted away 
from the hitherto demand-focused policy, including fiscal 
disbursements. It has concentrated on reform of the supply side, 
such as spending cuts and deregulation. This was an area where 
reform efforts were bound to meet strong opposition from 
politicians, who want to funnel fiscal funds to their home 
constituencies, and bureaucrats, who want to maintain authority. In 
this reform process, private citizens, starting with then State 
Minister in charge of Economic and Fiscal Policy Heizo Takenaka (now 
internal affairs and communications minister), a former professor at 
Keio University, have increased their presence. 
 
Miyauchi is a man of the economy who has expended his effort to ease 
regulations from the early stage of the reform drive in the 1990s. 
He has actively proposed scrapping or easing regulations in areas 
where reforms were bound to incur opposition from politicians and 
bureaucrats. He has contributed to the introduction of a cell phone 
unit sale system and a partial lifting of a ban on a mixed medical 
services system - treatment under the medical insurance system and 
treatment without such. The Cabinet Office has calculated that 
regulatory reform since the 1990s has produced effects worth 14 
trillion yen a year. 
 
The private-sector members of the CEFP, which came into the public 
limelight under the Koizumi administration, have increased their 
presence because they have reformed business sectors regardless of 
strong opposition from Diet policy cliques and bureaucrats. 
Private-sector members successively proposed reform plans for 
financial services, social security, postal privatization and 
administrative reform. They have contributed to accelerating the 
reform drive by directly obtaining instructions from Prime Minister 
Koizumi. 
 
Abe will likely appoint private-sector personnel shortly after his 
election as prime minister on the 26th and the selection of a 
cabinet lineup. The name of Takao Kusakari, chairman of Nippon Yusen 
K.K., has been floated as a successor to the chairman of the 
Regulatory Reform Council. He is in charge of regulatory reform as a 
representative of the Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren). 
He is a type of person who attaches importance to reason. The 
Regulatory Reform Council will likely continue to be active. 
Regarding private-sector members of the CEFP, apart from Fujio 
Mitarai, chairman of Nippon Keidanren, one will be picked from among 
business leaders and two from academia. Jiro Ushio, chairman of 
Ushio Inc., who is to step down as a private-sector member of the 
CEFP, noted: "Only 20 percent of the deregulatory program has been 
achieved. Since fiscal disbursements are difficult, it is essential 
 
TOKYO 00005483  009 OF 010 
 
 
to again reinforce deregulatory efforts in order to boost growth." 
 
Homma states: "Efforts to take a second look at the bureaucrat-led 
policymaking process in line with the actual state of the economy, 
such as a drop in the population, have just begun. If the nation 
enters a stable phase, it will be possible to introduce a system 
under which politicians and bureaucrats alone are responsible for 
setting policy. It will take 20 years or so until such an era 
comes." 
 
To what degree the new government will use administrative organs, 
the engine to propel reform, and the selection of the new lineups 
for those panels will likely become the best yardstick in measuring 
the Abe administration's eagerness to reform. 
 
"40 percent of the regulatory reform program has been achieved," 
says Miyauchi 
 
Responding to an interview with the Nihon Keizai Shimbun, Miyauchi 
(71) yesterday evening said, "It is only natural for me to quit, 
because Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, who has backed our 
activities, will step down." Commenting on the progress of 
regulatory reform, he said, "We have achieved 40 percent of the 
goals." He also encouraged members of the successor panel, which is 
to be launched next spring, saying, "I want them to do their utmost 
without being discouraged by criticism." 
 
-- What made you decide to step down? 
 
"I have led the panel for more than a decade. We have met resistance 
from various circles, but in the latter half of that time we have 
managed to deal with very difficult issues thanks to strong backing 
from the prime minister. I thought that since the prime minister 
will step down, it would be only natural for me to quit as well. 
 
"I wouldn't have remained in the post if it had not been for Prime 
Minister Koizumi. Since there are many issues to be handled 
regarding regulatory reform and privatization, such issues should be 
tackled like in a relay race. Energy from the private sector cannot 
be created unless we continue this work by leaving the task to our 
successors." 
 
-- How do you view the results of regulatory reform? 
 
"Our job in the first half of the process was to remove from the 
private sector regulations with a strong control flavor and shift to 
a market economy. I believe these efforts have bolstered the 
Japanese economy." 
 
"In the second half of the process, the focus of our efforts shifted 
to reform of the non-private sector. Each issue was hard to tackle. 
Summarizing the whole process, 40 percent of the regulatory reform 
plan has been achieved. I hope my successor will do his utmost with 
a sense of responsibility and lofty aspirations without being 
discouraged by critics." 
 
-- Some have voiced criticism that Orix is making profit from the 
regulatory reform program. What is your view on that? 
 
"I do not understand such criticism. Regulatory reform is to remove 
vested rights and interests and create a fair society to which 
anybody can have access. Such criticism has nothing to do with my 
resignation." 
 
TOKYO 00005483  010 OF 010 
 
 
 
SCHIEFFER