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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
06TOKYO5331 | 2006-09-15 08:22 | 2011-08-26 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED | Embassy Tokyo |
VZCZCXRO4096
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #5331/01 2580822
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 150822Z SEP 06
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 6437
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/COMUSJAPAN YOKOTA AB JA//J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/COMPATWING ONE KAMI SEYA JA
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 0639
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 8083
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 1435
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 7853
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 9176
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 4188
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 0321
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 1959
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 005331
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/15/06
INDEX:
(1) DFAA temporarily cancels new Okinawa base survey due to local
protest
(2) Interview with prime minister's secretary Isao Iijima: Koizumi
makes decision by risking everything, like a gambler
(3) Interview with Yoshihiko Miyauchi, chairman of Orix: Regulatory
reform making progress, though slowly; "Comfortable social divide"
needed"
(4) ROK Deputy Prime Minister hopeful of resuming FTA talks with new
administration of Japan after Koizumi steps down
(5) Japan plans to accept 1,000 Filipino nurses and other workers;
Will the plan come off? Doubts, complaints voiced
(6) 2006 LDP presidential campaign -- diplomacy: Abe stands out by
checking China; Tanigaki emphasizes co-existence; Aso highlights his
diplomatic achievements
There will be no Daily Summary on September 18 - a Japanese holiday.
ARTICLES:
(1) DFAA temporarily cancels new Okinawa base survey due to local
protest
AKAHATA (Page 2) (Full)
September 15, 2006
Meeting with strong local protest, the Defense Facilities
Administration Agency (DFAA) and the Nago City Board of Education
cancelled their preliminary survey of buried cultural property,
planned for Sept. 14, in accordance with a plan to build a new US
Marine Corps base on the coastline of Camp Schwab (in Nago).
The survey of buried cultural property was planned from the need to
demolish existing facilities in the Camp Schwab barracks area for
building the new base. The presence of remains believed to be 1,000
to 2,000 years old has been confirmed at the barracks area.
The DFAA plans to conduct the survey for 40 million yen. The
cancelled preliminary field survey was designed to determine whether
or not a full-scale survey, such as drilling a two-barrack building
plot, was necessary.
Some 50 anti-base residents, including those from the Nago
anti-heliport council, gathered together at a Camp Schwab gate at
around 7:30 a.m. yesterday and demanded DFAA officials who showed up
at the gate to stop the survey. The DFAA officials left the site
without entering the base.
The Nago City Board of Education decided to call off the survey
planned for yesterday.
Nago City Assembly member Toru Gushiken of the Japanese Communist
Party, who took part in the protest rally, said:
"The survey rubs the sentiments of the local residents who don't
want a new base the wrong way. The government is set to build the
new base here at all costs, and we won't let that happen."
TOKYO 00005331 002 OF 011
A timetable for a future survey is undecided, according to the
DFAA.
(Commentary)
By Ichiro Tanaka
Although the government and the Defense Facilities Administration
Agency have cancelled the planned preliminary survey of buried
cultural property at Camp Schwab due to strong local protest, they
are trying to push ahead with work speedily for building the new US
Marine Corps base.
The DFAA intends to map put a master plan for the new base before
the end of the current fiscal year. Apart from the cancelled survey
of buried cultural property, the agency began on Sept. 5 a field
survey of facilities on Camp Schwab.
Existing facilities in the Camp Schwab barracks area must be
demolished or removed in accordance with a Japan-US agreement to
build a V-shaped pair of runways on the planned new base. This
required a field survey to check the size and structure of those
facilities.
Commissioned by the agency, a survey and environmental consulting
firm has already conducted the survey for about 6 million yen.
The government launched in late August a Futenma relocation council
to discuss specific construction plans with the affected
municipalities, including the Okinawa prefectural government. The
step was based on a cabinet decision in May to swiftly implement the
US force realignment final report that specified the V-shaped runway
construction plan.
Okinawa Gov. Keiichi Inamine, who called for a temporary heliport,
also attended the council's inaugural meeting. But the government
intends to force the V-shaped runway plan on Okinawa to the last.
On Sept. 9, the Okinawa Times reported on the survey of existing
conditions and other plans:
"The government apparently intends to make its two-runway plan into
a done deal against Okinawa's wishes by moving work on the landed
portion of the base, which is off limits to anti-base locals, into
full gear."
In an opinion survey conducted by a local paper, over 70 percent of
Okinawa residents said they were opposed to the new base plan. The
government's posture to hurry work for building the new base is a
direct challenge to such public opinion.
(2) Interview with prime minister's secretary Isao Iijima: Koizumi
makes decision by risking everything, like a gambler
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full)
September 15, 2006
The Mainichi Shimbun interviewed Isao Iijima, 60, private secretary
to Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, to query him for inside
information on the Koizumi administration that lasted for five years
and five months.
-- How do you evaluate the long-term Koizumi administration?
TOKYO 00005331 003 OF 011
The administration was launched when the economy was deflated, and
it aimed to put it on a recovery track without increasing public
spending. Now that fiscal conditions have been improved in
preparation for establishing a small government, the Bank of Japan
has ended its zero-rate policy, and an end is about to be put to
deflation. The prime minister will leave office with the economy
having been turned around.
-- Why do you think the administration lasted so long?
Strong objections from forces of resistance in the ruling camp
contributed to raising public support for the prime minister.
Meanwhile, despite objections from the resistance forces, bills were
passed. Under such a situation, the government managed to enact the
Postal Privatization Law. Many ministers try to be formal even when
they go to the bathroom, but Koizumi does not mix private and
official matters. When dining with his secretary at a restaurant, he
shares his favorite pasta dish with the secretary just like ordinary
people. But when an urgent decision is necessary, he make a judgment
while risking everything on a single throw, like a gambler. This is
his strong point.
-- Was this strong point demonstrated by lining up "assassin
candidates" in "the post-reform-centered election"?
We thought there would be no other means but to take a gamble. I
judged it would be less effective to announce all potential
candidates supportive of the postal privatization bills all at once,
so I was told to decide on when to announce the names of the
candidates for whom I was responsible. I searched for persons whose
candidacy and career would convince all voters in any district,
instead of looking for persons who were famous across the nation. We
did not pick those who stuck to a certain electoral district even if
they were popular. We started preparations about three months before
the dissolution of the House of Representatives. We fielded persons
whose candidacy Koizumi, Liberal Democratic Party Secretary General
Tsutomu Takebe, and Election Bureau Director General Toshihiro Nikai
SIPDIS
(now economy, trade and industry minister) all agreed on. We had
prepared a strategy for the LDP alone to secure two-thirds of all
the seas on the assumption that the election would be held on Sept.
4, one week earlier than the actual date.
-- Public views were split over the issue of the prime minister's
visits to Yasukuni Shrine. Wasn't there a mistake in the initial
stage?
The split of public opinion is attributed not to any mistake but to
his visiting on Aug. 13, instead of Aug. 15, in 2001. The alternate
date went against the prime minister's will. He followed his aides'
advice. I guess the prime minister was greatly shocked, because he
continued to say that visiting the shrine on Aug. 15 was a matter of
the heart. On this issue alone, his position as prime minister and
his personal sentiment seemed to be mixed.
-- (Politics led by Koizumi) was dubbed "theater-type politics"
taking advantage of public views, wasn't it?
Even if heaven and earth should change places, the Koizumi
administration would still be able to secure more than 30 percent
public support. A dozen or so percentage points of fluctuating
support can be added to the 30 PERCENT . Although we cannot tell who
the basic supporters really are, we appreciate them.
TOKYO 00005331 004 OF 011
-- Why did the administration continue to give an important post to
Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe?
In the first LDP presidential election (1995) for Koizumi, he was
regarded as a minor candidate. Mr. Abe took the initiative in
supporting Koizumi. I trust him most, and Koizumi himself owes what
he is to his father, Shintaro Abe. He received on-the-job
instruction as first Diet Affairs Committee when Shintaro Abe was
secretary general. Mr. Abe probably is the first person to have
SIPDIS
served as deputy chief cabinet secretary, secretary general, chief
cabinet secretary, and then a candidate for the LDP presidency under
one administration.
(3) Interview with Yoshihiko Miyauchi, chairman of Orix: Regulatory
reform making progress, though slowly; "Comfortable social divide"
needed"
ASAHI (Page 8) (Full)
September 15, 2006
-- Mr. Miyauchi, you have been responsible for promoting regulatory
reform. What was the Koizumi administration like for you?
"The government has drastically shifted its policy from a Keynesian
policy of propping up the economy with public spending to a
structural reform policy of attaching importance to the market
economy. Acknowledging the need for regulatory reform in
revitalizing the economy, Prime Minister Koizumi has encouraged us,
saying, 'since politicians have various interests, they found it
difficult to make proposals for regulatory reform. You are speaking
for our views. Please make utmost efforts."
Sense of alarm and sense of responsibility
-- Are you satisfied with the progress of regulatory reform?
"Progress has been made, though slowly. Industry circles and
government offices are resisting in order to protect their vested
interests. The regulatory reform and privatization promotion
councils have no authority. There is only an agreement with the
government that the panels' recommendations are to be respected to a
maximum. Since our proposals come to naught unless they are
realized, experts and business leaders pursued discussions with
officials of concerned government agencies long into the night. We
mapped out a recommendation report, after obtaining understanding
from those officials. It was indeed an agonizing effort. Panel
members are doing their jobs out of a sense of alarm and a sense of
responsibility."
-- What was the result of their efforts?
"We have created a cross-thematic mechanism. For instance, we have
realized a privatization test, in which government and the private
sector compete in an open public-bidding system and the one that
offered a more efficient tender than the other wins the order or a
designated control system, in which the private sector administers
facilities owned by local governments. If the resources of the
private sectors are used, it might put an end to the Japanese
government's administration of putting up public buildings. The
special deregulatory zone system, in which designated areas are used
to find a breakthrough for regulatory reform, has made some kind of
achievements.
TOKYO 00005331 005 OF 011
Regarding individual issues, too, the panel has been in a tug-of-war
with government offices. However, achievements have been made, such
as authorization to sell some medicines at convenience stores,
reform of the system of deciding on payments to hospitals, the
integration of kindergartens and day-care centers and the adoption
of a public elementary school free-selection system.
Deep-rooted discretionary administration
-- In view of such incidents as the Livedoor scandal, do you think
the panel has fallen short of making efforts to oversee irregular
activities, while promoting regulatory reform?
"The market will become desolate, unless there are measures to
consolidate it, a strict monitoring system and punishments against
violations. That is why we have kept proposing propose strengthening
monitoring functions. However, government agencies have fiercely
protested the idea of establishing an independent organization. They
are unable to emerge from prior-coordination-type discretionary
administration, which they have practiced for a long time."
-- It has been pointed out that social disparity is expanding.
"As the economic pie expands, the society as a whole becomes more
affluent. It is politics that determines what should be done about
the distribution of wealth and to what extent social disparity
should be tolerated. I do not think it is right to pursue equality
in such a way as to prevent the pie from expanding. We should create
a 'comfortable disparity for Japanese society'."
-- Due to the easing of labor regulations, the number of unstable
part-time workers is increasing. Don't you think the safety net for
such people is insufficient?
Some workers do not want to be bound up working full-time. Generally
speaking, companies want to improve productivity through the use of
diversified human resources. In my view, it is better to enhance
freedom on the labor market. In order for that, a safety net should
be established. Discussion on the social security system as a whole
is needed.
-- Privatization of postal services and the Japan Highway was
implemented with a fanfare. However, the results of efforts to move
services from government to the private sector are not visible.
"In my view, the panel has established themes and policy directions
regarding privatized postal services, government-affiliated
financial institutions and independent administrative agencies.
Whether these businesses can really be reformed is up to the
administration that succeeds the Koizumi administration."
-- There is criticism that Orix, which is run by Mr. Miyauchi, has
obtained many business opportunities as a result of the regulatory
reform. What is your view on that?
"Deregulatory reform is a policy intended to break vested interests,
thereby increasing options in society through the provision of equal
opportunities to anybody. It is inconceivable for any specific
person to gain profits from such a policy. Up until now, 6,593
regulations have been eased, leading to the revitalization of
companies and the economy. I am in a position of coming under fire
or slander from those who do not want to lose their vested
interests. However, our reform drive will not progress, if we are
TOKYO 00005331 006 OF 011
afraid of such."
(4) ROK Deputy Prime Minister hopeful of resuming FTA talks with new
administration of Japan after Koizumi steps down
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 8) (Full)
September 14, 2006
Motohiro Ikeda, Seoul
South Korea's Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance and
Economy Kwon O Kyu in an interview with the Nihon Keizai Shimbun
expressed his hopes of resuming talks with Japan on a free trade
agreement (FTA) sometime next year, apparently looking to Japan's
new administration that will come into being later this month. His
ulterior motive is perhaps to make a fresh start of the talks,
taking advantage of the change of government in Japan, given that a
political decision is indispensable in order to bring the talks back
on the track.
Japan and South Korea agreed in October 2003 to start
government-to-government negotiations on concluding an FTA. This
agreement came during the summit meeting between Prime Minister
Junichiro Koizumi and President Roh Moo Hyun held in Bangkok. Both
leaders at the same time set the target of reaching accord by the
end of 2005.
The negotiations began in December 2003, and six rounds were held
with the last one held in November 2004. Since then, however, no
talks have been held. During the Japan-South Korea summit talks in
Seoul in June 2005, there was a heated debate over the history
issue. In order to change the subject, Koizumi brought up the
question of resuming bilateral FTA talks as quickly as possible, but
Roh reportedly did not shown any interest.
South Korea has already concluded the FTAs with Chile, Singapore,
and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). It is trying to
conclude FTAs with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations,
Mexico, and Canada before the end of the year and also aims to
conclude them with the United Sates, the European Union (EU), India,
and China.
For South Korea, "Japan is the largest trade partner after China in
terms of trade volumes and the US in terms of investment," Kwon
said. Given this, Seoul presumably wants to bring the FTA talks with
Japan back on the track as soon as possible.
But South Korea has insisted that the negotiations be resumed on the
conditions that Japan liberalize 90 percent of its farm products.
So, whether the negotiations will be actually restarted remains to
be seen.
Main points of the interview
Japan-ROK relations
7In some areas, for instance, the history issue, political affairs,
and the North Korean issue, bilateral relations are not going
smoothly, but the two countries have become more cooperative on the
economic front and in cultural exchanges. We hope to see close
economic cooperation continue even after the new administration is
launched in Japan.
7We would like to continue the periodic finance ministerial meeting
TOKYO 00005331 007 OF 011
that was launched this year.
7We think Japan and South Korea should conclude the highest-level
possible FTA. From that point of view, the focus is agricultural
products, and our position remains the same. We call on Japan to
open 90 percent of its agricultural market. We expect the
negotiations to be restarted sometime next year, given that a new
administration is established in Japan shortly.
US-ROK FTA
7South Korea's market share in the US was some 4 percent until the
late 1980s, but it has dwindled to 2.6 percent at present. The US
and South Korea compensate each other in trade, so I think there is
big room for both sides to make adjustments. I don't think it will
be difficult to reach accord on the FTA by next March.
North Korean policy
7Business-related programs will continue. Kumgangsan sightseeing and
the development of the Kaesong Industrial Park are in the private
sector's hands, so the government cannot interfere in them.
Following North Korea's missile launches, South Korea has frozen aid
in rice and fertilizer to that country. As for official aid, South
Korea's position is to act in concert with other countries while in
close consultations with the concerned countries.
ROK's economic outlook
7The South Korean economy will grow by 5 PERCENT this year and 4.6
PERCENT next year. Export volumes are expected to double this year
as well as next year.
(5) Japan plans to accept 1,000 Filipino nurses and other workers;
Will the plan come off? Doubts, complaints voiced
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 24) (Full)
September 13, 2006
The government plans to accept 400 would-be nurses and 600 would-be
care workers from the Philippines. The plan is the results of
two-year negotiations between the governments of Japan and the
Philippines, but dissatisfaction is exploding in the Philippines
over such hard conditions set by the plan as passing a national exam
for the Japanese language. In Japan, as well, some express concern:
"Won't they be exploited as a cheap labor force?" Will the plan
really come off?
The plan for Japan to accept nurses and care workers from the
Philippines was outlined in the economic partnership agreement (EPA)
the two countries concluded in November 2004.
400 nurses, 600 care workers
Japan's initial plan was to accept one hundred or so nurses and care
workers respectively, but by the Philippine government's request,
the number has been expanded to a total of 1,000 persons for the
first two-year timeframe of the plan.
However, Filipinos wishing to work as nurses or care workers in
Japan have to clear high hurdles.
First, Filipinos wishing to become nurses should be those who have a
nursing qualification obtained in their country and have three years
TOKYO 00005331 008 OF 011
of work experience. Once they come to Japan, they must take a
Japanese language course, receive training at medical facilities and
pass a national exam for nursing in the Japanese language three
years after their arrival. If they fail, they would have to return
to their country. The qualifications for care workers are less
strict than those for nurses, but a good command of Japanese
language is required for both professions.
"English-speaking countries would be chosen if the conditions are
same"
Nobuki Fujimoto, a researcher at the Asia-Pacific Human Rights
Information Center who knows well about the situation in the
Philippines, said: "The government, nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs), and relevant industries have issued a number of statements
on this matter. Many expressed discontent at the requirement of
passing Japan's national Japanese-language examination, in addition
to the small framework for acceptance." According to Fujimoto, as a
major source of immigrant labor, the Philippines has sent some
250,000 nurses to work outside the country, but most of them work in
such English-speaking countries as the United States, Britain, and
Canada. Most statements said, "If the conditions are the same, we
will choose English-speaking countries."
Will it be actually possible for Japan to accept 1,000 Filipinos?
The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare's (MHLW) section in charge
gave this weak answer to that question: "Nobody can tell what will
happen before it starts. The government's role is to give support to
them so that they can pass the exam."
There are some in Japan who have raised doubts about the plan.
According to Shinji Ishibashi, chair of the Japan Association of
Certified Care Workers, there are some 550,000 certified care
workers in Japan, but most of them are dissatisfied with their
treatment, such as wages and working conditions, and only 60 percent
or so of them actually work as care workers. Ishibashi argues: "I
think the first thing for the government to do is to prepare an
environment for certified care workers to find reemployment."
The Japanese Nursing Association released an announcement on Sept.
12 that went: "It is important to resolve the question of how to
secure nurses by securing first Japanese personnel." Lying behind
this announcement is the Association's concern that if Filipino
nurses and other workers were hired at low wage rates, that might
worsen the working conditions for Japanese nurses.
Japan has not yet faced such a large shortage of nurses and care
workers that it has to accept foreign workers. The MHLW's Policy
Bureau said: "It's incorrect to think that we will accept Philippine
workers because of shortage of hands." The plan for accepting
Philippine workers is the diplomatic outcome of trade talks, but
this plan is likely to bring up the question of the demand-supply
gap in the years ahead.
Government held responsible for training
Tadakore Ota, a lecturer working in Japan's Aichi Prefecture, gives
Filipinos living in Japan the second-class home-care worker's
license course. Ota himself is a nurse. He said: "They are required
to understand and right difficult Kanji used for the descriptions of
medical terms. Even if they learned the Japanese language before
coming here, they would find it still difficult to pass the exam."
TOKYO 00005331 009 OF 011
Fujimoto pointed out: "There is still the multilayer structure of
exploitation -- like brokers -- on the part of the immigrant
labor-sending country. Immigrant workers, if failing to pass the
exam, would be forced to work to (pay their debts) because of
overstaying."
Fujimoto, the Japanese Nursing Association, and Ota all said in
chorus: "Once the government decided to accept immigrant workers, it
should take responsibility for them to the last."
(6) 2006 LDP presidential campaign -- diplomacy: Abe stands out by
checking China; Tanigaki emphasizes co-existence; Aso highlights his
diplomatic achievements
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full)
September 13, 2006
In the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential campaign, Chief
Cabinet Secretary Abe is standing out as a critic to check China. He
has argued that economic relations should not be affected by
political issues. In addition, he recently raised objection to
China's logic of distinguishing between Japanese war leaders and its
general public as seen at the time of the normalization of relations
between the two countries. But Abe's recent objection to that logic
caused controversy. Finance Minister Tanigaki commented: "He ignores
the circumstances of accumulated discussions." Abe has the idea of
launching strategic talks among Japan, the United States, Australia,
and India, but the idea gives a glimpse of his intention to surround
China. Whether Australia and India, which emphasize relations with
China, will respond to Abe's idea remains to be seen.
In a panel discussion of the LDP presidential candidates on Sept. 11
hosted by the Japan National Press Club, Tanigaki questioned Abe:
"What is your view about the way China made an explanation to its
people by distinguishing between Japanese war leaders and its
general public?" Abe replied, "No document concerning such an
account exists" and "It is not everybody's understanding in Japan
that the Japanese people were divided into two groups."
Surprised at those remarks, a Foreign Ministry official made this
comment: "Did he go to that extent?" "It's an important fact that
China drew a clear line between war leaders and the general public
when normalizing relations with Japan. Based on that, relations
(with China) have progressed until today. His saying, 'That's
incorrect,' only embarrassed me," the official added.
If he denies the common perception that has been maintained since
the normalization of diplomatic ties, that could affect Japan's new
administration's relations with China. Tanigaki criticized Abe at a
press conference on Sept. 12: "Can he truly build a relationship of
trust? Frankly, I'm skeptical of his way of thinking."
So far Abe has backed Prime Minister Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni
Shrine and criticized China for its use of the shrine visits as a
"diplomatic tool." He also has reiterated that China should not
pressure Japan in the economic areas in trying to achieve the
political goal.
Tanigaki, who underscores the need for co-existence with Asia,
argued in the panel discussion: "What underlies the economy is the
public sentiments. In fact, Japanese firms have begun to see their
employment relationship affected. The chief cabinet secretary and I
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are wide apart in perceptions." Tanigaki suggested the need to hold
down the political confrontation that underlies (China's) worsened
sentiments toward Japan because such sentiments are affecting
economic affairs.
In his recently published book, Utsukushii Kuni E (Toward a
Beautiful Country), Abe came out with the idea of a strategic
dialogue between the top leaders and the foreign ministers of Japan,
the United States, Australia, and India.
But it is unknown whether Australia and India, which are both
deepening ties with China politically and economically, will respond
to that idea. In the past China and India were at odds, but in
recent several years, the two countries have had reciprocal visits
between their top leaders on a regular basis and constantly held
talks of senior officials to discuss such subjects as the national
border.
Australian Foreign Minister Downer told a press conference in August
when asked about the
concept of four-nation strategic talks: "India will not hope to join
such talks." "China is not a military threat," he added.
Lower House Speaker Yohei Kono, too, made an indirect criticism of
Abe in a speech delivered in late August: "China and India are
strengthening friendly relations at a fast pace. Given this, it is
not necessarily an appropriate notion that Japan's approach to India
would help check China."
The confrontation between Abe and Tanigaki has set in, while Aso
highlights his diplomatic achievements of resuming Japan-China
foreign ministerial talks in May this year after an interval of one
or so year. Aso reveals confidence in his capability to mend the
currently strained relations with China, saying: "I've never thought
that if I became prime minister, I can't meet with the Chinese top
leader."
Yet, in part because Aso acted together with Abe this past July to
instruct his staff to aggressively advance negotiations on the
adoption of a United Nations Security Council resolution denouncing
North Korea for its missile launches, Aso tends to lack his identity
on the diplomatic front. In fact, he said, "There is no difference
between Mr. Abe" and I. Aso has offered a specific proposal for
shifting Yasukuni Shrine into a secular organization, but in the
presidential campaign, Aso is quiet about the shrine issue, saying,
"I don't intend to make the Yasukuni issue an important part of my
presidential campaign."
Major assertions of the three candidates about diplomatic strategy
Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe Finance Minister TanigakiForeign
Minister Aso
Diplomatic strategyAim for assertive diplomacy and aim to rebuild
Japan into a strong and trustworthy Japan.Aim for co-existence with
Asia and build a hotline with Asian leaders.Aim for diplomacy with
pride.
Visits to Yasukuni Shrine Do not declare whether to visit the shrine
as shrine visits have been made a political issue. Refrain from
visiting the shrine, considering the public sentiments in China and
South Korea.Make a decision appropriately. Proposes shifting the
shrine into a secular organization.
Policy toward ChinaSeparation of politics and the economy. No
pressure should be put on the economy over the political issues.The
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argument for separation of politics and the economy is questionable
because public opinion affects the economy. Japan-China friendship
is a tool. Aim for common interests to Japan and China.
SCHIEFFER