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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 08 TOKYO 005089 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/07/06 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Interview with Shinzo Abe with LDP presidential race officially 
kicking off tomorrow 
 
(2) An Abe cabinet may make surprise appointment of female professor 
at University of Tokyo 
 
(3) Takeo Hiranuma might enter Abe cabinet in return for support of 
LDP candidate in Upper House election 
 
(4) Unique ODA strategy proposed by Abe's aide 
 
(5) Abe secretly asks New Komeito's Hamayotsu to join new cabinet 
 
(6) Lead-off interview with Sophia University Associate Professor 
Koichi Nakano: My objection to fraudulent debates on Yasukuni 
Shrine 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Interview with Shinzo Abe with LDP presidential race officially 
kicking off tomorrow 
 
SANKEI (Page 7) (Abridged) 
September 7, 2006 
 
The Liberal Democratic Party will publicly announce the start of its 
presidential race tomorrow with the election scheduled for Sept. 20. 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe, the frontrunner in the race, 
gave a press interview yesterday. In it, Abe indicated that if 
elected party president, he might choose the next LDP secretary 
general from the Mori faction, to which he belongs, regardless of 
the tradition of giving the post to factions other than that of the 
president. Abe also unveiled a plan that his administration would 
come up with its own historical views, irrespective of the statement 
released in 1995 by then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama. 
 
Q: Do you think there are good chances for Japan-China and 
Japan-South Korea summits to occur on the sidelines of the 
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum this fall? 
 
A: I would like to put high priority on relations with neighboring 
countries, such as China and South Korea. Japan's door has been open 
to those countries. I will work hard so that Japan can have 
bilateral summits with the leaders of those countries by making 
concessions. I will also urge them to make greater efforts. 
 
Q: What about the Yasukuni Shrine issue? 
 
A: We must make ceaseless efforts to dispel Beijing and Seoul's 
misconceptions about shrine visits by offering sincere explanations. 
We must let them know that it is a matter of the heart and that 
their critical views equating shrine visits with an attempt to 
justify the past are totally wrong. 
 
Q: Are you going to follow the 1995 Murayama statement? 
 
A: It was a verbal statement. The next cabinet should come up with 
its own views on past wars. 
 
Q: Do you think the "neighboring country clause" must be eliminated 
from a set of school textbook screening criteria? 
 
TOKYO 00005089  002 OF 008 
 
 
 
A: School textbooks have been screened based on Japan's own views. 
But in screening textbooks, we will have to remain humble regarding 
past history. The concept is misunderstood. Screening doesn't 
require endorsement from neighboring countries. I am not thinking of 
removing the clause. 
 
Q: Do you plan to hold a Japan-North Korea summit to find a 
breakthrough in the abduction issue? 
 
A: We have been endeavoring to break the impasse in the abduction 
issue using the dialogue and pressure approach. If a summit can 
resolve the issue completely, that would be significant. But for now 
I think it's premature to hold a summit. 
 
Q: Is reversion of the four disputed northern islands off Hokkaido a 
prerequisite for concluding a peace treaty with Russia? 
 
A: We must deal with Russia based on our basic thinking that Japan 
will conclude a peace treaty after confirming the fact that the four 
islands are part of Japan's inherent territory. We will convince 
Moscow that a settlement of the territorial row will benefit Russia, 
as well. 
 
Q: What is the timetable for constitutional revision and educational 
reform? 
 
A: We will aim for getting a bill amending the Basic Education Law 
approved in the upcoming extraordinary Diet session. We will also 
deepen discussions on specific educational reforms and produce 
necessary bills. Constitutional revision can be initiated with 
support from at least two-thirds of the lawmakers; the hurdle is 
extremely high. We will also need to coordinate things for reaching 
a national consensus, which will take time and strong leadership. 
 
Q: How are you going to choose your cabinet ministers? 
 
A: I am not concerned about maintaining factional balance or 
accepting lists of candidates from the factions. The right person 
must be placed in the right job. I will pick the best crop of 
members from among many talented LDP lawmakers. A good cabinet takes 
solid teamwork. 
 
Q: What is necessary to strengthen the functions of the Prime 
Minister's Official Residence (Kantei)? 
 
A: The Cabinet Secretariat must exhibit political leadership. 
Policies must be implemented under the leadership of elected 
lawmakers instead of bureaucrats. Kantei's assistance is essential 
for the prime minister to display strong leadership. I may ask 
people to come forward who are eager to work with me at the Kantei. 
 
Q: The secretary general is traditionally chosen from lawmakers who 
belong to factions different from that of the president. Would you 
follow that tradition? 
 
A: The nature of factions has changed dramatically, and no one 
faction can now control the party. I will not stick to that 
tradition. 
 
Q: Are you thinking of someone in the Mori faction, to which you 
belong? 
 
 
TOKYO 00005089  003 OF 008 
 
 
A: Factions don't mean much. I want someone who knows well how I 
think. 
 
Q: Is there any chance for the private sector to win some 
portfolios? 
 
A: The matter is still a clean state. 
 
Q: Are you planning to actively appoint junior lawmakers of the 
postwar generations? 
 
A: Balance and teamwork is the bottom line, and that takes uniformed 
efforts of lawmakers of all ages. 
 
Q: What abut the slots for the Upper House and the New Komeito? 
 
A: Needless to say, we will cherish the trust we enjoy with the New 
Komeito, the LDP's coalition partner. Individuals recommended by the 
Upper House will not receive posts independently, though the house's 
uniqueness must be respected. 
 
Q: Is there any chance that you will ask for the cooperation of 
postal rebels in launching your cabinet? 
 
A: I'm not thinking of that. 
 
Q: Is winning a majority in the Upper House election next summer the 
goal for the LDP and the New Komeito? 
 
A: A change in administrations will not occur unless the prime 
minister dissolves the Lower House for a snap election. An Upper 
House election that occurs every three years is a good opportunity 
for us to listen to the voices of the people. By winning a majority, 
the ruling coalition will be able to implement policies 
effectively. 
 
Q: Will there be a double election of both houses in the Diet? 
 
A: The question is irrelevant. 
 
Q: Achieving 2.2% economic growth is the government's goal. Can you 
achieve that? 
 
A: The Koizumi reform drive has resulted in independent growth 
mechanism that led to greater tax revenues. The primary balance has 
also improved over the last three years. I believe we can attain 
2.2% economic growth by investing heavily in the telecommunications 
sector, and we will work harder to achieve more. 
 
Q: Are you going to maintain the 3-trillion-yen government bond cap 
in fiscal 2007 and beyond? 
 
A: We will try hard to stay below the 3-trillion-yen line in fiscal 
¶2007. We will send out a strong message to push ahead with reforms 
for regaining fiscal health. 
 
Koizumi, Kanzaki confirm policy to maintain LDP-New Komeito 
administration under new LDP president 
 
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and New Komeito Representative 
confirmed a policy direction yesterday that the Liberal Democratic 
Party and the New Komeito will maintain the coalition government 
under the LDP's next president. 
 
TOKYO 00005089  004 OF 008 
 
 
 
(2) An Abe cabinet may make surprise appointment of female professor 
at University of Tokyo 
 
SHUKAN SHINCHO (Page 57&58) (Slightly abridged) 
Sept. 7, 2006 
 
Conventional wisdom in the capital district of Nagatacho is that 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe will be elected the next prime 
minister. The topic of discussion is gradually moving toward the 
lineup of the new cabinet. A senior member of the Mori faction in 
the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) revealed that a female professor 
at the University of Tokyo could be picked as a surprise 
appointment. The senior Mori faction member is former Foreign 
Minister Nobutaka Machimura, secretary general of the Mori faction, 
who is responsible in effect for Abe's campaign for the LDP 
presidential election. Many people, therefore, have asked him about 
the lineup of an Abe cabinet. 
 
One day, Machimura said: 
 
"I think some women must be appointed to the new cabinet. But it is 
difficult to select suitable persons for key posts. For example, it 
is impossible to pick Ms. Seiko Hashimoto because she will be having 
her baby soon and because she will seek a reelection in the Upper 
House election next year. I personally think Ms. Reiko Kuroda is 
suitable." 
 
Most people probably have never heard of Reiko Kuroda, 58. According 
to an informed political observer, she might have attracted 
Machimura's attention since she has been serving as a member of the 
Council for Science and Technology Policy. 
 
Kuroda is a professor of arts and sciences at the University Tokyo 
Graduate School. She has a brilliant career background. A fellow 
professor said: 
 
"She was born in Miyagi Prefecture. Her father is an expert on 
Japanese literature. Under the influence of her father, she began to 
read when she was a small child such classics as Tsurezuregusa or 
Essays in Idleness, a collection of Japanese essays written some 
time between 1330 and 1332. She is a lover of literature. Assuming 
that she would not be able to learn scientific thinking by herself, 
she went on to the University of Tokyo's Graduate School after 
graduating from the Department of Science of Ochanomizu University. 
After obtaining a doctorate, she went on to London University." 
 
After returning to Japan, Kuroda became associate professor and then 
professor of liberal arts of the University of Tokyo. She received 
Saruhashi Prize, which is given to a brilliant female scientist, 
soon after she became professor in 1993. 
 
Since she serves in many government-related posts such as advisor to 
the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, and an advisor to the 
University Council, "a government car comes to her university to get 
her and bring her to the government office district of Kasumigaseki. 
She then returns to the university to work until midnight," said the 
informed political observer. 
 
Another fellow professor commented: 
 
"Some say that she is energetic. Some, on the other hand, are 
critical about her for having a strong orientation toward politics. 
 
TOKYO 00005089  005 OF 008 
 
 
She complains about why she is being criticized." 
 
Kuroda always says, "I wish I could have 100 hours a day." She is a 
single and has a good reputation. Everybody praises her. "She is a 
bright and smart person," said Taizo Yakushiji, visiting professor 
at Keio University, a member of the Council for Science and 
Technology Policy. No wonder Machimura mentioned her name as a 
cabinet member. Asked about that remark, she seemed to be 
perplexed. 
 
Political commentator Harumi Arima said: 
 
"It is said that Satsuki Katayama, parliamentary secretary of the 
Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, Eriko Yamatani, 
parliamentary secretary for the Cabinet Office, aim at cabinet posts 
in the next government. Some recommend Sanae Takaichi and Yuko 
Obuchi. So it is unthinkable that a cabinet post will go to a 
private-sector person." 
 
Machimura grumbled: "Should a private citizen be picked, I am sure 
Katayama and Takaichi will definitely complain." 
 
In Nagatacho, there are many women with strong views. 
 
(3) Takeo Hiranuma might enter Abe cabinet in return for support of 
LDP candidate in Upper House election 
 
SENTAKU (Page 44) (Full) 
September 2006 
 
The rumor is that Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe, the leading 
candidate in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential race, 
might appoint former trade minister Takeo Hiranuma, who bolted the 
LDP after voting against the postal-privatization legislation, as a 
showcase member of his cabinet, which will be launched in late 
September. 
 
The reason is that Hiranuma, who controls the LDP's Okayama 
prefectural chapter, has agreed to support Toranosuke Katayama, 
secretary general of the LDP caucus in the House of Councillors, who 
 
SIPDIS 
will seek reelection in the Okayama constituency in the Upper House 
election next summer. 
 
Moreover, Hiranuma, a conservative, takes a positive stance toward 
amending the Constitution and is hawkish on foreign policy. His 
political stance is similar to Abe's. Abe was reluctant to let 
postal rebels leave the party. Considering those points, members of 
the Parliamentary League to Support a Second Chance have called for 
bringing Hiranuma into the new cabinet. 
 
(4) Unique ODA strategy proposed by Abe's aide 
 
SENTAKU (Page 44) (Full) 
September 2006 
 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe, enjoying a large lead in the 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential race, is now trying to 
play up his own political identity by coming up with an official 
development assistance (ODA) strategy. 
 
Improvement in ODA strategy is deemed essential. Due to growing 
worries over the international oil supply, the need for an energy 
diplomacy has been reaffirmed. 
 
TOKYO 00005089  006 OF 008 
 
 
 
House of Councillors member Ichita Yamamoto, who is close to Abe, 
has set his eyes on ODA projects for oil-producing countries and 
loans to projects by the Japan Bank for International Cooperation 
(JBIC). Even after the ODA sector is transferred to the Japan 
International Cooperation Agency, the JBIC will continue providing 
loans for energy projects. 
 
How much will the public support Abe's strategy of overcoming energy 
problems by using the ODA program? 
 
(5) Abe secretly asks New Komeito's Hamayotsu to join new cabinet 
 
SENTAKU (Page 44) (Full) 
September 2006 
 
Aides to Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe, who is certain to 
become the next president of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), 
have continued asking Toshiko Hamayotsu, acting chief representative 
of the New Komeito, to join an Abe cabinet. 
 
In March this year, Abe exchanged views with several female 
lawmakers of the New Komeito, including Hamayotsu. He thinks very 
highly of her. The LDP candidate won a Lower House by-election for 
the Chiba No. 7 constituency because Hamayotsu delivered a speech 
for the candidate in the constituency. Therefore, her reputation has 
heightened. 
 
The next Upper House election will unavoidably become an uphill 
battle. Forces critical of Abe have said that Abe's intention is to 
get support from the religious sect Soka Gakkai, New Komeito's 
backer, in next year's Upper House election, by having Hamayotsu, 
who is popular among female Gakkai followers, join the new cabinet. 
 
(6) Lead-off interview with Sophia University Associate Professor 
Koichi Nakano: My objection to fraudulent debates on Yasukuni 
Shrine 
 
SENTAKU (September 2006) 
 
Interviewer: Editor in Chief Yasunari Eshi 
 
-- Lively discussions are continuing over Yasukuni Shrine, but no 
argument has yet to get to the core of the issue. 
 
Nakano: The Yasukuni issue is essentially a matter of war 
responsibility. The Potsdam Declaration, issued on July 26, 1945, 
(calling for Japan's unconditional surrender) is one of the major 
documents that determined where war responsibility lay. It took 19 
days for the Japanese political leaders at the time to accept the 
declaration. During that time, the lives of many Japanese were lost, 
and the gap allowed the Soviet Union to occupy the Northern 
Territories. Political responsibility for these developments must be 
sought. 
 
-- Political responsibility includes the Emperor, doesn't it? 
 
Nakano: The Showa Emperor was aware of his war responsibility. But 
the General Headquarters (GHQ) judged it better to relieve him from 
war responsibility and charged only those who were classified as war 
criminals by the International Military Tribunal for the Far East or 
the Tokyo Trials. This is the starting point of the zigzag path the 
Yasukuni issue has followed to date. 
 
TOKYO 00005089  007 OF 008 
 
 
 
-- Specifically? 
 
Nakano: Some take the view that the war was justified, for the 
series of military actions were unavoidable in order to defend the 
peace and therefore the Emperor was not responsible. If this 
argument is accepted, how does that affect the Class-A war 
criminals? Logically, then, none of the Class-A war criminals would 
be charged with war responsibility; in other words, no war criminals 
exist. Their enshrinement at Yasukuni together with other war dead 
would be then regarded as a matter of course. 
 
-- Who has developed that argument? 
 
Nakano: It was a string of conservative elites. One group of such 
conservatives is the Nippon Kaigi 
(http://www.nipponkaigi.org/reidai02/newpage( E)1.htm) or Japan 
Conference (headed by Hideaki Kase). The membership consists of 
prominent business leaders and other professionals. They have 
continued their efforts to remove any war responsibility from 
Japan's wartime leaders, including the Emperor, based on what is 
called the "Yasukuni view of history". 
 
-- Such being the case, it seems to me that what the recently 
disclosed Tomita memo (which said Emperor Showa was not in favor of 
enshrining the Class-A war criminals at Yasukuni Shrine along with 
other war dead) made clear is just the opposite of the proverb, "A 
child does not realize the heart of the parent." Instead, it would 
go, "A parent does not realize the heart of the child." 
 
Nakano: Certainly, although the decision to enshrine the Class-A war 
ceremonials at Yasukuni was made based on consideration for the 
Emperor, he himself regarded such enshrinement as a nuisance. With 
the memo's release, such advocates of enshrinement should surely 
have felt as if the ladder had been pulled from under them. But the 
memo has given an opportunity for rightists to refrain from paying 
homage at Yasukuni for it allows them to make an "honorable 
pullout." 
 
-- A variety of interpretations are possible about (war 
responsibility) from the beginning. 
 
Nakano: In the prewar days, the militarists and the rightists used 
the slogan Hakkou-ichiu -- the whole world under one roof -- to 
claim universal brotherhood. In Manchukuo, they called for the five 
ethnic minorities to cooperate. Japan as the savior of Asia was used 
as the basis for justifying the war. However, when it comes to the 
Yasukuni issue, rightists insist, "Ignore whatever China or South 
Korea may say." They lack consistency. 
 
-- The extension of this line is Prime Minister Koizumi's visits to 
Yasukuni. 
 
Nakano: Japan had strived to contribute to Asia in spite of the 
ambiguities and contradictions. But Prime Minister Koizumi turned 
the tables around, and in so doing, destroyed whatever efforts Japan 
had made until then. 
 
-- Mass media has great responsibility, too, don't they? 
 
Nakano: Lying behind the so-called Yasukuni view of history are the 
"hate-mongers," I think. What I mean by hate-mongers are those "who 
peddle hate" for profit.  The commercial-minded mass media fan the 
 
TOKYO 00005089  008 OF 008 
 
 
flames of public anger and even add to it. Some politicians and 
business leaders have made brazen remarks at home they could never 
say abroad and by so doing, added fuel to the public's xenophobia. 
Such hate-mongers are now on the rise. 
 
-- When we think about the Yasukuni issue, what should we be most 
conscious of? 
 
Nakano: We Japanese tend to regard our selves as war victims. The 
extreme logic of this is the Yasukuni view of history, in which even 
wartime political leaders are treated as war victims. 
 
-- You mean we need to discuss the aggressive aspect of the war? 
 
Nakano: The state is an entity that wields violence. We the people 
need to think about how to best manage this function of the state. 
No good ideas would emerge as long as we follow the Yasukuni view of 
history. 
 
Kouichi Nakano: 
 
Latest book, Yasukuni to Mukiau (Facing Yasukuni), published on Aug. 
15, 2006; born in 1970; graduated from the Philosophy Course of the 
Faculty of Literature at Tokyo University and the Faculty of 
Philosophy and Politician Science and acquired Ph.D in politics in 
Princeton University; is in charge of Sophia University 21st Century 
COE Program Promotion. 
 
SCHIEFFER