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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 TOKYO 004084 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/21/06 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Emperor Showa's words from Tomita memos (Part 1): Unpleasant 
feeling toward war described in careful language 
 
(2) Editorial: Enshrinement of Class-A war criminals along with the 
war dead -- Emperor Showa's remarks carry special weight 
 
(3) Editorial: Emperor Showa's feelings should be respected 
 
(4) Perilous provocation -- North Korea missiles: Abe played leading 
role, backed by hot line between Prime Minister's Official Residence 
and US 
 
(5) METI eager to spread "Hinomaru oil" projects and will send 
delegation to Libya soon 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Emperor Showa's words from Tomita memos (Part 1): Unpleasant 
feeling toward war described in careful language 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 39) (Abridged slightly) 
July 21, 2006 
 
Former Imperial Household Agency Grand Steward Tomohiko Tomita's 
diaries and notebooks portraying Emperor Showa's strong displeasure 
with Yasukuni Shrine's decision to enshrine Class-A war criminals 
along with the war dead contained many words of the emperor, who was 
not at liberty to express his candid views on such subjects as the 
war and paying homage at the shrine. By sharing with Tomita his 
memories of the late Prime Minister Reijiro Wakatsuki, the emperor 
alluded to his difficult position that he was not allowed to speak 
from his heart. 
 
The memorandum dated May 9, 1988, quoted the emperor as saying: 
 
"I often recall memories of Prime Minister Wakatsuki. He used to 
say, 'The Diet and the lawmakers today (may mean 'back then') 
reflect the US Congress' drawbacks and the Japanese parliament's 
negative aspects.' He always avoided criticizing and blaming other 
people as much as possible. I often asked him about his hardships in 
early years of the Showa Period, but his lips were usually tight. He 
mostly talked about his experience of offering government bonds in 
London in his early days during the Russo-Japanese War." 
 
Prime Minister Wakatsuki refers to Reijiro Wakatsuki, who served 
twice as prime minister before World War II. The first Wakatsuki 
administration experienced the banking crisis in 1927, and the 
second administration the Manchurian Incident in 1931. Although when 
Emperor Showa had questioned Wakatsuki is not clear, the emperor 
seems to have tried to learn the prime minister's difficult 
experiences. 
 
The emperor also said to Tomita: 
 
"Now, I can understand how Wakatsuki felt. People often ask me how I 
feel about the war and ask me questions about responsibility for the 
war, but I cannot answer them so easily because some are still 
around. That's why I talk about my trip to Europe, where I had a lot 
of fun." 
 
Emperor Showa last visited Yasukuni Shrine in November 1975. Class-A 
 
TOKYO 00004084  002 OF 007 
 
 
war criminals were enshrined at Yasukuni in 1978, and the emperor 
stopped visiting there without offering any official reason. 
 
The April 28, 1988, memorandum describing the emperor's displeasure 
with the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals was preceded by his 
feelings about the war in response to a question in a press 
conference held ahead of his birthday (April 29). The annual 
birthday press conference was a rare opportunity for the emperor to 
announce his views. The memo clearly tells that the emperor used 
extremely measured language. 
 
In the birthday interview, the emperor said: "Above all, the last 
major war is the worst memory." He later explained it this way: 
 
"I wanted to express my unpleasant feeling in response to a question 
asking about my sentiments regarding the war. I used the word 
'dislike' in indirect reference to (cabinet ministers') comments on 
Yasukuni and China, as well." 
 
On the August 15 end-of-the-war anniversary in 1985, then Prime 
Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone visited the shrine in his official 
capacity. Such countries as China and South Korea reacted furiously 
to the visit. Cabinet ministers' statements on the responsibility 
for the war and Yasukuni Shrine caused much controversy in 1988. The 
emperor apparently tried to answer the question without directly 
commenting on the ministers' statements. 
 
Tomita's diary had this entry under July 23, 1986: "These days, I 
have been called quite often to report to the emperor regarding 
Yasukuni, the textbook issue, and other matters." The emperor is 
believed to have spoken his mind to Tomita, whom he trusted. 
 
(2) Editorial: Enshrinement of Class-A war criminals along with the 
war dead -- Emperor Showa's remarks carry special weight 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
July 21, 2006 
 
Fourteen Class-A war criminals, including wartime prime minister 
Hideki Tojo, were enshrined in 1978 at Yasukuni Shrine. Though 
Emperor Showa had visited the shrine eight times after the war, he 
stopped coming after that. 
 
It was discovered that then Imperial Household Agency Grand Steward 
Tomohiko Miyata wrote down the words of Emperor Showa that were 
spoken from the heart. His memorandum noted that the Emperor 
expressed his displeasure about the enshrinement of the Class-A war 
criminals together with the war dead. He was quoted as saying. 
"That's why I have not paid a visit since then. That's how I feel in 
my heart." 
 
It is now clear that Emperor Showa stopped visiting the shrine 
because of the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals along with the 
souls of the war dead. 
 
The father of the chief priest of Yasukuni Shrine who decided to 
honor the Class-A war criminals was then Imperial Household Minister 
Yoshitami Matsudaira. The memo included the emperor's remarks on 
him: "I thought Matsudaira had a strong aspiration for peace. He was 
the child that did not understand the parent's mind." 
 
Emperor Showa probably thought that had he visited the shrine that 
honors Class-A war criminals, it would negate the postwar history of 
 
TOKYO 00004084  003 OF 007 
 
 
Japan that was reborn as a pacifist nation. 
 
We think that the emperor, being seen as the "symbol of the unity of 
the people" under the new Constitution rather than just the emperor 
himself, made a wise decision to stop paying homage at the shrine. 
We want to give special weight to the fact that he independently 
made that judgment even before China and other countries made an 
issue over the enshrinement of Class-A criminals together with the 
war dead. 
 
Emperor Showa was the supreme commander of the Japanese Army and 
Navy before the war. He sent many soldiers to battlefields in his 
own name. The feelings of soldiers killed during the war toward the 
emperor may vary greatly. The emperor wanted to visit the shrine and 
console the souls of the war dead, which probably came from a 
natural feeling. 
 
He probably thought that it was another matter to enshrine together 
with the war dead those senior military officers and politicians who 
had planned and launched the war. The emperor was quoted as saying, 
"Class-A war criminals were enshrined together with the war dead, 
even including Matsuoka and Shiratori." The memo evokes the 
impression that he was angry with former Foreign Minister Yosuke 
Matsuoka and former Ambassador to Italy Toshio Shiratori, who had 
promoted the Tripartite Pact among Japan, Germany and Italy. 
 
It had long been known through testimonies by his aides that Emperor 
Showa had expressed his displeasure with the enshrinement of Class-A 
criminals along with the souls of the war dead. 
 
And yet, the claim that the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals at 
Yasukuni was really not the reason why he had stopped visiting the 
shrine has been floated a number of times by those who favor 
honoring war criminals at the shrine. Their position is that when 
Prime Minister Takeo Miki visited Yasukuni in 1975 in his private 
capacity, it created the issue of whether the emperor's visit to the 
shrine should be considered as a visit in his public or private 
capacity, and that Emperor Showa's cessation of his shrine visits 
should be viewed in this context, as a Sankei Shimbun editorial put 
it last August. 
 
Such a claim was unreasonable from the beginning. The remarks of 
Showa Emperor unveiled through then Grand Steward Tomita will bring 
such an argument to an end. 
 
The present Emperor has never visited Yasukuni Shrine. Even if he 
wants to offer condolences to the war dead, it is not possible to do 
so at Yasukuni Shrine as it exists now. 
 
There is the need for a place where anybody can offer condolences to 
the victims of the war. It is a question to which we Japanese must 
find an answer, before being told to do so by China or South Korea. 
Emperor Showa's remarks point that out. 
 
(3) Editorial: Emperor Showa's feelings should be respected 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) 
July 21, 2006 
 
It has been revealed that Emperor Showa (Hirohito) expressed his 
strong displeasure at the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals at 
Yasukuni Shrine. According to a memorandum written by then Imperial 
Household Agency Grand Steward Tomohiko Tomita (now deceased), the 
 
TOKYO 00004084  004 OF 007 
 
 
emperor told Tomita: "That is why I haven't visited the shrine since 
then. That is my feeling." The late emperor made his final visit to 
Yasukuni in 1975. The highly reliable historical documents have 
revealed for the first time how the emperor felt about the 
enshrinement of Class-A war criminals. 
 
There has been a heated debate over Prime Minister Junichiro 
Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni Shrine. In addition, this issue has 
damaged Japan's relations with China and South Korea, resulting in 
bilateral summits being suspended. Following this new revelation, 
Japanese people should discuss the Yasukuni issue in a cool-headed 
manner and try to resolve it without being affected by the opinion 
of other countries. 
 
Persons connected with the Imperial Household Agency were quoted as 
saying that the emperor stopped visiting the shrine because he was 
unhappy with the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals. But those 
supportive of the prime minister's visits to Yasukuni Shrine 
strongly rejected that idea. Some assert that since Prime Minister 
Takeo Miki paid homage at Yasukuni in the capacity of a private 
citizen, the emperor found it difficult to visit. The Tomita memo 
destroys the basis for this argument. 
 
The emperor's expression of strong displeasure reflected his 
profound remorse regarding the past war, as well as his desire to 
maintain global peace and to keep faith with other countries, 
including the United States, Britain, and China. The late emperor's 
feelings must be respected. 
 
Emperor Showa stopped visiting Yasukuni Shrine following the 
inclusion of Class-A war criminals in the list of war dead honored 
there in 1978, but his deep sorrow and regret remained unchanged. 
Despite his advanced age, the emperor attended the Aug. 15 memorial 
service for all the war dead every year and expressed his sorrow and 
desire for peace. 
 
It is reasonable to offer our deep condolences and appreciation to 
the war dead. In this respect, paying homage at Yasukuni Shrine 
should not be denied. But it is also true that it is difficult to 
obtain understanding both inside and outside the nation regarding 
the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals. Japan must keep in mind 
that public opinion in the US and Europe, in addition to that in 
China and South Korea, is also critical of the enshrinement of war 
criminals at Yasukuni. 
 
Prime Minister Koizumi says that Yasukuni is a matter of the heart, 
but the issue is not so simple. We keenly hope that Prime Minister 
Koizumi and other persons concerned will behave in an appropriate 
manner while taking seriously the historical background behind the 
late emperor's feelings. 
 
(4) Perilous provocation -- North Korea missiles: Abe played leading 
role, backed by hot line between Prime Minister's Official Residence 
and US 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) 
July 20, 2006 
 
Hiroshi Maruya, Washington 
 
"Don't do anything that will put Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi in 
a predicament." US President Bush gave only this instruction to his 
staff before they engaged in diplomatic horse-trading at the United 
 
TOKYO 00004084  005 OF 007 
 
 
Nations over North Korea's missile tests. 
 
Following this instruction, Presidential Assistant for National 
Security Affairs Hadley played his part in the White House. Hadley 
traveled with the president from Washington to Germany to Russia. 
Getting Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe's cell phone number from 
a concerned official, Hadley kept in contact with Abe. This contact 
between Hadley and Abe was the "hot line" between the Prime 
Minister's Official Residence (Kantei) and the White House. 
 
On the morning of July 14, the US Eastern Time, a video conference 
was held among three officials: Hadley, who was then abroad, 
Secretary of State Rice, and Ambassador to the UN Bolton, who was 
 
SIPDIS 
then in New York. Referring to a resolution submitted to the UN 
Security Council (UNSC), Rice told Bolton: "I will leave when to put 
the resolution to a vote to your judgment." Then Hadley confirmed 
that Japan and the US would work together. Immediately before this 
conference, Abe met with US Ambassador to Japan Schieffer and the 
two discussed how to handle the UN Charter's Chapter 7, a reference 
to which means to impose sanctions. Hadley again contacted Abe to 
convey to him the US administration's final position that was 
determined on the basis of what Abe and Schieffer had discussed. 
 
Ambassador Bolton is known for his tough stance, and before becoming 
ambassador to the UN, he served as under secretary of State for arms 
control. In contrast, the State Department repeatedly pointed out 
the importance of international cooperation; as a result, the 
language "sanctions" disappeared (from the resolution).  Around 
then, some in the Japanese government voiced this concern: "The 
delicate relationship between Secretary Rice and Ambassador Bolton 
may affect the fate of the resolution." The role played by Hadley 
was to unify the Bush administration's view and negotiate with 
Japan. 
 
While letting Japan lead negotiations in the UN, the Bush 
administration kept close attention on China's moves. On July 10, 
when the adoption of the resolution was put off, Hadley told Abe: 
"China is saying, 'If more time were given to us, we could persuade 
North Korea.' Let give a chance for China to do so." The idea was 
viewed as a tactic to make China more responsible for North Korea. 
While setting the deadline for the adoption of the resolution at 
just before the start of a US-China summit meeting, Japan and the US 
adamantly stuck to Chapter 7. This was intended in order to see 
China's reaction. 
 
According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), there had been 
no hot line in the past between the Kantei and the White House. The 
hot line was put in motion by Hadley's first congratulatory phone 
call to Abe to express congratulations on his assumption of the post 
of chief cabinet secretary. Last year, when Abe visited the US as 
deputy secretary general (of the Liberal Democratic Party), he met 
with Hadley. This spring, the two worked in close coordination in 
arranging a meeting between the Japanese abductee Megumi Yokota's 
mother and the president. 
 
Once the North Korean issue came under the direct control of the 
White House, the Kantei, instead of MOFA, can sit at the negotiating 
table with the US. Hadley thus can make contacts with Abe via the 
cell phone wherever he may be on the globe. This in part reflects 
the White House view that Abe is a powerful candidate to succeed 
Prime Minister Koizumi, but the stronger reason is that Hadley and 
Abe are both in charge of foreign policy coordination. 
 
 
TOKYO 00004084  006 OF 007 
 
 
"It was of great significance for the resolution to be unanimously 
adopted by the UNSC. This is proof that Japan and the US have 
maintained the solidity of the alliance. We have been able to come 
to this point thanks to Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe's leadership." 
Yesterday evening, Ambassador Schieffer telephoned Abe and thanked 
him in that way. Abe told Schieffer: "I am thankful for the close 
cooperation of Presidential Assistant Hadley and other officials 
involved." 
 
The true value of this sort of the Japan-US hot line will be tested 
in terms of how it will respond to the changing international 
situation, including North Korea, after Koizumi steps down. 
 
(5) METI eager to spread "Hinomaru oil" projects and will send 
delegation to Libya soon 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
July 18, 2006 
 
Focusing on a number of unexplored oil fields in Libya, Japan has 
high expectations of that nation as a promising oil supplier in the 
future. The Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), with the 
aim of strengthening bilateral relations with Libya, has decided to 
dispatch a delegation of senior officials to that country shortly. 
Libya introduced an international open bidding system for oil 
concession rights last year. The third bid has been planned for this 
fall. Japanese oil development companies and trading houses are 
eager to participate in the bid. METI is willing to construct a 
system to offer indirect support for private firms' efforts to 
increase the ratio of "Hinomaru oil" (independently developed oil 
supply) through the planned visit of its senior officials. 
 
Meeting with METI Minister Toshihiro Nikai on July 13, visiting 
Libyan National Oil Corp. Chairman Shukri Ganem said he expected 
Japanese firms to participate in the bid by Japanese firms. In 
response, Nikai decided to dispatch a delegation headed by a senior 
vice minister or the Natural Resources and Energy Agency director 
general, saying: "It is necessary for the government to show its 
eagerness." 
 
METI came up with the nation's new energy strategy this May, which 
calls for raising the ratio of Japan's independent oil development 
from the current 15%  to 40 as part of efforts to revise up its 
energy security. Although Japanese firms acquired concession rights 
for the Azadegan oil field in Iran in 2004, uncertainty is now 
looming large over the feasibility of the development due to the 
negative effect of Iran's alleged nuclear development. Given this, 
the government needs to be hurriedly seek oil-exploitation rights 
for other oil fields. 
 
The energy agency is going to make arrangements for the public and 
private sectors to take a joint approach to oil-producing countries. 
An official of the Oil and Natural Gas Development said: "Keeping 
favorable relations with oil producers will result in assisting 
private firms." 
 
Libya is situated on the western side of Egypt and has about 39 
billion barrels of underground deposits of oil in 2004, recording 
the 9th place. Western countries had slapped economic sanctions on 
that nation for its alleged development of weapons of mass 
destruction, but the US normalized diplomatic ties with Libya this 
May in response to its disbandment of its development program. 
 
 
TOKYO 00004084  007 OF 007 
 
 
From Japan, Teikoku Oil Co., Nippon Oil Corporation and other firms 
took part in the second bid held in October of last year. As a 
result, five companies - these two companies, Japan Petroleum 
Exploration Co., Inpex Corporation, and Mitsubishi Corporation - 
acquired concession rights for six oil fields out of 26. Each 
company is willing to also become successful bidders in the next 
bidding. 
 
The Libyan government expects Japanese firms to join projects to 
construct plants to manufacture oil petrochemical products and offer 
technology, as well, in addition to oil field development. Nikai 
commented: "We would like to offer cooperation in a wide range of 
areas, not limited to energy." 
 
SCHIEFFER