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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 TOKYO 003955 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/14/06 
Part-1 
INDEX: 
(1) Editorial: Time to aim at a unified UNSC resolution on North 
Korea 
 
 
(2) World Click column by Yoichi Kato: America's "values" diplomacy 
now stumbles, putting Japan in awkward situation for its statement 
that it shares values with America 
 
(3) US deputy assistant trade representative urges Japan to 
compromise in Doha Round 
 
(4) Prime Minister Koizumi meets secretly with Yasuo Fukuda at 
Japanese restaurant 
 
(5) Takeo Hiranuma starts consultations with Chief Cabinet Secretary 
Abe to rejoin LDP 
 
(6) Vice Minister Takemasa Moriya to be retained in post: Unusual 
case 
 
(7) Successors are also blindly following US 
 
-- There will be no Daily Summary on July 17 - a Japanese holiday. 
 
ARTICLES: 
(1) Editorial: Time to aim at a unified UNSC resolution on North 
Korea 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Abridged) 
July 14, 2006 
 
China and Russia, which are both against Japan's sanctions 
resolution against North Korea, have indicated they will propose 
their own draft resolution to the United Nations Security Council 
(UNSC) critical of North Korea. Although they have drawn the line at 
imposing sanctions, the two Council members seem to have lined up on 
the point of expressing the will of the international community in 
the form of a resolution. 
 
A number of other countries including Britain and France have added 
their names to the joint sponsors of the UNSC resolution drafted by 
Japan and the United States. In response, China and Russia at first 
proposed a non-binding statement by the chair of the Council, and 
the Chinese ambassador was so fiercely opposed, he threatened to use 
China's veto power against it. 
 
Deep divisions seem to have opened up in the UNSC. A rumor of a 
compromise then spread, involving a two-stage plan: the chair would 
first issue a moderate statement, and then afterward, depending on 
the situation, move toward a forceful resolution. We would like to 
welcome China and Russia's willingness to compromise and to provide 
a new opportunity for the Council to come together. 
 
The reality in the UNSC is that permanent members have a powerful 
weapon in their possession, a veto power that can stop anything 
action from moving forward. Even if a resolution moves forward to a 
vote, it can be buried by the use of a veto, laying open the split 
in the international community. Indeed, that was exactly what North 
Korea had wanted. 
 
At this point, what the international community should not do is to 
exaggerate its differences. Both China and Russia historically have 
had close relations with North Korea. China in particular even now 
 
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Korea 
 
continues to assist the North with oil, food, and other supplies. It 
would have great significance if China itself drafts a resolution 
denouncing by name that country, with which it has had friendly 
ties. That is why it has appeared to take the recent missile 
launches very seriously. 
 
The recognition of that fact in itself can form the basis for 
bringing together the views of the Council. There is no major 
difference between the two draft resolutions on the two points of 
asking North Korea not to launch any more missiles and to return to 
the six-party talks.  Japan and other concerned countries should 
strengthen their efforts to unify the two resolutions into one. 
 
The biggest difference in view is the mention in the Japan-US 
version of Chapter 7 of the UN Charter that opens the way for the 
use of military and non-military sanctions. This contents gives 
additional forceful pressure on North Korea.  Such wording is 
missing in the China-Russia draft, and the tone of the criticism of 
North Korea is weak. 
 
The focus next should be on how to coordinate between the two sides. 
As long as China and Russia are not on board, no matter what content 
is in the draft resolution, it will clearly never see the light of 
day.  Japan's hard-line stance has had an aspect of getting China 
and Russia to move. China even sent a vice minister to North Korea 
to try to persuade Pyongyang. Both Japan and the US' strong contents 
and China and Russia's moderately worded draft likely had an impact 
on talks between Beijing and Pyongyang. If North Korea will take a 
flexible stance, the situation could again change. 
 
In that sense, until a settlement is reached on the draft 
resolution, there are still many fluid elements we should be aware 
of. In order to issue as quickly as possible a unified message from 
the international community, we ask that each country respond 
flexibly and constructively. 
 
(2) World Click column by Yoichi Kato: America's "values" diplomacy 
now stumbles, putting Japan in awkward situation for its statement 
that it shares values with America 
 
ASAHI (Page 13) (Abridged) 
July 13, 2006 
 
By Yoichi Kato 
 
Superman Returns, a US film recently released, has become a topic of 
conversation due to a slight change in the film made from the 
version shown to the domestic audience to the version shown to an 
international audience. 
 
Superman or the Man of Steel stands for "justice, truth, and the 
American way." Of these three ideas, the American way is replaced by 
"all that stuff" in the film released abroad. 
 
This change was made in consideration of box-office profits in other 
countries, because "America" is no longer popular these days due to 
the Iraq war and its immigration policy. In terms of business 
calculations, making such a change is understandable, and doing so 
may be only natural. But the change also gives the impression that 
 
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SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/14/06 
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INDEX: 
(1) Editorial: Time to aim at a unified UNSC resolution on North 
Korea 
 
the United States has somewhat lost confidence in its sense of 
values. 
 
The US media have briskly reported recently that America's "values 
diplomacy" -- focusing on such themes as freedom, democracy, and 
human rights, as advocated by the Bush administration as its slogan, 
has not been doing well. 
 
The major flaw in promoting values diplomacy is the slow progress in 
democratizing Iraq. In addition, the overwhelming victory in the 
Palestinian parliamentary election in January by the radical Islamic 
group Hamas, which the US regards as a terrorist organization, came 
as a great shock to Washington. 
 
The US is also being criticized severely for a double standard in 
its foreign policy, for it tends to be lenient with oil producing 
countries, such as Saudi Arabia and Azerbaijan when it comes to 
democratization and human rights in those countries. The fact that 
the US tortured war prisoners during its war on terror is rocking 
the very foundation of its values diplomacy, bringing up the 
question of whether the US is really qualified to speak about human 
rights. 
 
The non-profit organization Freedom House's Executive Director 
Windsor writes in a recent essay, "This values policy the US 
president planned to leave the future generation as a legacy could 
retreat or lose credibility," pointing out the need for measures to 
deal with such possible cases. 
 
As if to respond to this call, Michael Green, who had served as 
senior director for Asia on the National Security Council until the 
end of last year, has come out with a set of proposals to promote 
values diplomacy in Asia. 
 
The proposals will come out in an essay he has written for the 
September issue of a journal. Green points out an emergence of a 
"balance of thought" emerging in Asia as a new framework for 
competition in addition to the usual balance of power. He stresses 
the need to have America's agenda that centers on spreading 
democracy take root in the region as its own agenda. 
 
But, doing so will not be an easy. Southeast Asian nations view 
America's values diplomacy as somewhat annoying. One Asian diplomat 
complained: "We receive a lot of requests (from the US). This is a 
big problem between the US and our country." 
 
The Bush administration greatly welcomed Prime Minister Koizumi's 
visit to the US in June. This is in part because the prime minister 
declared that Japan shares with the US basic values and common 
interests. His declaration lent a helping hand to the Bush 
administration's well-battered values diplomacy. 
 
In dealing with North Korea's recent missile launches, however, the 
White House has stated, "They are no direct threat to the US," which 
made Japan aware of the differing interests between Japan and the 
US. Japan has stated it shares values with the US, but this position 
could lead to such questions as: What can Japan do to protect 
democracy in Taiwan in the event that a crisis occurs there? 
 
 
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INDEX: 
(1) Editorial: Time to aim at a unified UNSC resolution on North 
Korea 
 
Is it all right to so easily declare that Japan shares values and 
interests (with the US)? I wondered about that when I watched TV 
news showing the prime minister imitating Presley. As time goes by, 
skepticism and concerns have been growing in my mind. 
 
(3) US deputy assistant trade representative urges Japan to 
compromise in Doha Round 
 
YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full) 
Evening, July 14, 2006 
 
By Eiji Hirose in Washington 
 
Deputy Assistant Trade Representative Jason Hafemeister, who is 
responsible for agricultural trade negotiations at the Office of the 
United States Trade Representative (USTR), met on July 13 with a 
segment of the Japanese press corps in Washington. Referring to the 
stalemated agricultural talks under the World Trade Organization's 
multilateral trade negotiations (Doha Round), he stated: "The US 
cannot reach agreement as long as there is insufficient market 
opening in other countries. We are asking other countries to 
negotiate seriously." He expressed his view that it was 
indispensable for Japan and other food importing countries to reach 
a compromise with food exporting countries by making large cuts in 
tariffs and the like. 
 
(4) Prime Minister Koizumi meets secretly with Yasuo Fukuda at 
Japanese restaurant 
 
SENTAKU (Page 44) (Full) 
July 2006 
 
A rumor got around the capital district of Nagatacho that Prime 
Minister Junichiro Koizumi met secretly with former Chief Cabinet 
Secretary Yasuo Fukuda on the night of June 21. The name of a 
 
SIPDIS 
Japanese restaurant at which Koizumi and Fukuda were believed to 
have met is "Fukuda-ya." It's well known that Koizumi dined that day 
with the chairman of Mitsui Fudosan Co. At that time Fukuda met with 
business leaders in a different room in the restaurant Fukuda-ya, 
according to persons close to Koizumi and Fukuda. Nobody believes 
such an explanation that the two came together by accident. Since 
Koizumi is not on friendly terms with the chairman of Mitsui 
Fudosan, it's hardly possible that the two had a conversation more 
than two hours at the restaurant, according to a senior Mori faction 
member. 
 
It is a classical method for politicians to hold a secret meeting 
under cover of a meeting with a business leader. Opinion is widely 
divided on the question of what was discussed between Koizumi and 
Fukuda: one is that Koizumi met with Fukuda to confirm a rumor that 
Fukuda had told his close friend that he would not run in the 
Liberal Democratic Party presidential election; and another is 
Koizumi urged Fukuda to run in the race in order to boost the LDP 
presidential election campaign. The truth remains hidden from sight, 
however. 
 
(5) Takeo Hiranuma starts consultations with Chief Cabinet Secretary 
Abe to rejoin LDP 
 
 
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SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/14/06 
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INDEX: 
(1) Editorial: Time to aim at a unified UNSC resolution on North 
Korea 
 
SENTAKU (Page 44) (Full) 
July 2006 
 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe held a secret meeting with Takeo 
Hiranuma, former trade minister, in early June in Tokyo. The two 
appear to have begun negotiations on the possibility of Hiranuma's 
return to the Liberal Democratic Party. 
 
The meeting reportedly was held at the request of Hiranuma. If 
Hiranuma successfully rejoins the LDP, such would help junior and 
mid-level lawmakers supporting Abe win veteran lawmakers over to 
their side. That is just the boost those supporters need. 
 
Reportedly, however, Abe has avoided referring to the question of 
Hiranuma's return to the LDP, and Hiranuma sought to check Abe by 
bringing up a plan to form a new party. 
 
(6) Vice Minister Takemasa Moriya to be retained in post: Unusual 
case 
 
Bungei Shunju August, 2006 
 
Transfers of senior Defense Agency (JDA) officials have been 
finalized. Public attention had been riveted to which post 
Administrative Vice Minister Takemasa Moriya (entered the JDA in 
1971) will be transferred to. However, it turns out that he will 
remain in his present office and serve his fourth term. This is an 
unusual case. He accompanied Prime Minister Koizumi on his visit to 
the US for the late June bilateral summit, indicating that the prime 
minister has deep trust in him. The incident made audiences both in 
Japan and abroad realize that the prime minister distrusts Vice 
Foreign Minister Shotaro Yachi (entered in the Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs in 1969) and North American Affairs Bureau Director General 
Chikao Kawai. Moriya will continue to spearhead efforts to upgrade 
the JDA to ministry status and deal with the USFJ realignment 
issue. 
 
Who will succeed Moriya is not clear at all. Iwao Kitahara, director 
general of the Defense Facilities Administration Agency (DFAA), 
(entered DFAA in 1947) will most likely resign due to the recent 
bid-rigging scandal involving the agency. Chief of Secretariat 
Tetsuo Nishikawa (entered the National Police Agency in 1972) is 
expected to be picked to succeed Kitahara. As a result, Kazuo Oko 
(entered the JDA in 1973), director general of the Defense Policy 
Bureau, will top the list of potential successors for administrative 
vice minister. However, he has a reputation for lacking leadership 
and the ability to make Diet replies, as a cabinet minister put it. 
His success would be far from certain. 
 
A plan has been floated for Kohei Masuda (entered in the DFAA in 
1975), DFAA technical councilor, to succeed Moriya in two years. 
From the beginning, Masuda had been regarded as a potential 
candidate for that position. However, he has been deprived of this 
post because he is close to Kyoji Yanagisawa, assistant deputy chief 
cabinet secretary, and critical of Moriya. He worked hard to settle 
the recent bid-rigging scandal. There is now a possibility of his 
being picked as administrative vice minister, because he has 
corrected his previous anti-Moriya stance. Rumor has it that this 
summer he might be appointed secretary general of the Secretariat of 
 
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the Minister of State for Defense, director general of the Defense 
Operations Bureau, or director general of the Bureau of Finance and 
Equipment. 
 
Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Masahiro Futahashi (entered the 
former Home Affairs Ministry in 1964), who overtly expresses his 
dislike of Moriya, is said to be one of those who have complicated 
the USFJ realignment issue by siding with Okinawa along with MOFA. 
Following the retention of Moriya in office, those close to Koizumi 
have secretly started considering when to replace Futahashi with 
Cabinet Office Administrative Vice Minister Tsuyoshi Erikawa 
(entered the former Ministry of Health and Welfare in 1970). 
 
(7) Successors are also blindly following US 
 
Bungei Shunju, August 2006 
 
Prime Minister Koizumi had fun at the Graceland in Memphis, 
Tennessee with President Bush. An inclination to emulate US values 
is seen not only in Koizumi but also among the children of Japanese 
politicians. 
 
The second son of Koizumi joined the Center for Strategic 
International Studies (CSIS) this spring as a researcher, after 
graduating from Columbia University. Michael Green, former senior 
director for Asian affairs at the National Security Council, heads 
the Japan program at CSIS. The second son of Koizumi is expected to 
inherit his father's constituency in Yokosuka when Koizumi retires. 
Green, who is a friend of Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe, the favorite 
to be the next prime minister, has apparently let the Japanese 
political world be indebted to him again. 
 
A son of Hirofumi Nakasone and a grand son of Yasuhiro Nakasone, who 
has now retired from politics, having been told to give up running 
in the previous Lower House election by Koizumi, will also enter 
Columbia University. Yasuhiro Nakasone has three courses that carry 
his name at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced 
International Studies (SAIS) in Washington DC, but his grandson 
entered one of the Ivy League universities. There is a reason why 
both Koizumi's second son and Nakasone's grandson chose Columbia 
University. Gerald Curtis, who is a well-known Japan expert, is a 
professor there. 
 
The eldest son of Yasuo Fukuda, who is also a potential candidate to 
be the next prime minister along with Abe, also graduated from SAIS. 
He traveled with his father when he visited the US shortly after the 
Golden Week Holiday in May. He is expected to succeed to his 
father's constituency. Kent Calder, a Japan expert, is now a 
professor at SAIS. In the US, barriers among the academic, political 
and bureaucratic worlds are low due in part to political appointee 
system. Struggles of competing interests are fierce in the small 
academic circle of Japan specialists. Competition by academic 
institutions to capture children of influential politicians is part 
of such struggles. 
 
Grandsons and great-grandsons of influential politicians will 
continue to study at prominent universities or think-tanks and 
contribute to strengthening the Japan-US alliance in the future. 
 
 
TOKYO 00003955  007 OF 007 
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/14/06 
Part-1 
INDEX: 
(1) Editorial: Time to aim at a unified UNSC resolution on North 
Korea 
 
SCHIEFFER