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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 002604 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST 
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS 
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/12/06 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Inamine changes stance on Futenma relocation in view of 
reality; accepts government's plan after searching for common 
ground with gubernatorial race in mind 
 
(2) Futenma relocation; Realistic move by Okinawa Prefecture 
deserves praise 
 
(3) Editorial - Futenma relocation: Okinawa governor's anguished 
decision 
 
(4) Editorial: Governor Inamine's change welcome 
 
(5) Editorial - Futenma relocation: Problems facing Okinawa yet 
to be resolved 
 
(6) Suggestions to Prime Minister Koizumi: Japan should stop 
being a protected country 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Inamine changes stance on Futenma relocation in view of 
reality; accepts government's plan after searching for common 
ground with gubernatorial race in mind 
 
ASAHI (Page 2) (Abridged) 
May 12, 2006 
 
Reversing his previous stance of adamantly opposing the 
relocation of Futenma Air Station from Ginowan to Cape Henoko in 
Nago, Okinawa Gov. Keiichi Inamine has finally agreed to accept 
the government's plan. What prompted the governor to change his 
stance in the wake of Nago's acceptance of the Futenma relocation 
and the final agreement between Tokyo and Washington? Although 
the relocation plan took a step forward, many hurdles still 
remain. 
 
Before signing the agreement with Defense Agency Director General 
Fukushiro Nukaga at his agency yesterday morning, Inamine said, 
"Since we are going to cooperate with the central government, we 
would like you to understand Okinawa's position." 
 
He could not say that he would accept the Henoko relocation plan. 
But given the government's final decision, all he could do was to 
respond to it pragmatically to extract the government's special 
consideration for Okinawa. That was Inamine's true intention. 
 
A week ago, Inamine announced Okinawa's position rejecting the 
Henoko relocation plan. At the same time, he called for a 
temporary heliport. 
 
Apparently, he had the upcoming Okinawa gubernatorial election in 
mind. 
 
A senior Okinawa official noted: 
 
"Is there any chance for a candidate supportive of the V-shaped 
runway plan to win the race? Change in administration in Okinawa 
would push the prefecture away from the Japan-US security setup." 
 
Okinawa also attempted to find common ground with the central 
government. 
 
TOKYO 00002604  002 OF 010 
 
 
 
On May 9, Inamine's close aide held talks with Administrative 
Vice Defense Minister Takemasa Moriya in Tokyo. The aide 
complained about a lack of steps for continued talks with Okinawa 
prior to a cabinet decision. This was followed by full-fledged 
administrative-level negotiations for drafting an agreement. 
 
Okinawa insisted on including two factors -- elimination of risks 
of Futenma Air Station and continued talks -- in the envisaged 
agreement with the government to reflect Okinawa's standpoint. 
 
The Defense Agency, too, engineered the expression "based on the 
government's plan" in an effort to elicit compromise from 
Inamine. 
 
Moriya explained in a press conference yesterday that the 
government has avoided direct expressions, such as implementing 
the government's plan, to highlight Tokyo's flexible posture. 
 
Okinawa was eager to find a settlement line with the central 
government for the sake of the gubernatorial election. 
 
The Liberal Democratic Party's cooperation was essential, but the 
deadlocked Futenma issue was blocking the conservative camp's 
efforts to pick a prospective successor to Inamine. Ruling party 
members and business leaders in Okinawa were simmering with 
dissatisfaction with Inamine's lack of effort to find common 
ground with the government. 
 
The Inamine aide noted yesterday, "The governor has set the base 
camp for the next governor and next prime minister to climb the 
mountain." 
 
Government not optimistic 
 
Prime Minister Koizumi met with Inamine at his office yesterday 
in which he thanked the governor for his cooperation. 
 
It has been 10 years since Tokyo and Washington agreed to 
relocate Futenma Air Station, and during that period, the 
original Henoko offshore plan fell through. That is why the 
government cannot be overly optimistic. 
 
Making a cabinet decision before the end of this month is the 
government's immediate goal. The government is also making 
coordination to include the following in the cabinet decision: 
(1) effective revocation of the 1999 cabinet decision on the 
Futenma relocation; and (2) legitimate ground for the relocation 
of US Marines to Guam. 
 
Responding to Okinawa's call for economic stimulus measures is 
another challenge. Inamine specifically asked for the 
government's extra efforts for using vacated US bases and 
creating jobs for Japanese base workers. 
 
US Deputy Defense Under Secretary Richard Lawless indicated that 
US force realignment would cost Japan 3 trillion yen. The 
government has yet to present even a rough estimate for the 
entire project, including economic stimulus packages. 
 
Koizumi announced that the government would not submit 
realignment-related bills to the current Diet session. A further 
delay in submitting bills is bound to draw a call for a detailed 
 
TOKYO 00002604  003 OF 010 
 
 
explanation from Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) and other 
parties. 
 
Whether the project would proceed in the next several years, as 
scheduled, is a big question. 
 
The plan is to conduct environmental assessment over the next 
three years to start construction in fiscal 2009 to complete the 
alternative facility by 2014. The new facility cannot be build 
without the governor's permission to reclaim land, and that 
decision is likely to be made by Inamine's successor. 
 
"Anything could happen in Okinawa," a person connected with the 
government said yesterday. 
 
Secret meeting on night of May 10 to finalize agreement; Inamine 
 
SIPDIS 
insisted on adding SOFA-related item 
 
Defense chief Inamine met secretly with Inamine in Tokyo on the 
night of May 10 to nail down their broad agreement for the 
following day. 
 
They decided to include four items in the agreement. 
 
In the following morning, Inamine called for an additional item 
connected with the US-Japan Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). 
The SOFA falls in the jurisdiction of the Foreign Ministry. 
Inamine suggested writing a paragraph with the Defense Agency as 
the subject, but Inamine insisted on replacing the Defense Agency 
with the "government." As a result, Nukaga called Foreign 
Minister Taro Aso and obtained his concurrence. 
 
Subsequently, Inamine and Nukaga complete the agreement including 
the fifth item reading "to consider measures, including improved 
operation of the SOFA and so on." Inamine highly evaluated the 
item that included "and so on" as a broad and penetrating 
expression. 
 
The deadline was approaching. 
 
On May 8, Koizumi ordered Nukaga to settle the matter for a 
cabinet decision before the May 26-27 Pacific Islands Summit in 
Okinawa. 
 
Koizumi and Inamine are scheduled to attend the summit. The order 
apparently reflected Koizumi's desire to avoid exchanging verbal 
jabs with Inamine over the base issue on the sidelines of the 
summit that would bring together foreign leaders. 
 
(2) Futenma relocation; Realistic move by Okinawa Prefecture 
deserves praise 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
May 12, 2006 
 
Okinawa Prefecture, which had been opposed to the government plan 
to relocate the US forces' Futenma Air Station in Ginowan City, 
has at long last made a realistic move. 
 
Okinawa Governor Keiichi Inamine yesterday met with Defense 
Agency Director General Fukushiro Nukaga. During the meeting, 
they agreed to transfer Futenma's functions, basically based on 
the Camp Schwab (Nago City) coastal plan as incorporated in the 
 
TOKYO 00002604  004 OF 010 
 
 
final USFJ realignment report. They then exchanged a confirmation 
document. 
 
Meeting the press afterward, Inamine said that his signing the 
document does not mean that he had agreed to the coastal plan, 
but he added; "Now we have taken a step forward for an early 
settlement of the issue." 
 
Though there still remain unfinished tasks, such as the 
implementation of the confirmation document, which listed such 
factors as the elimination of the danger of Futenma Air Station, 
the relocation issue that has damaged bilateral relations for the 
past decade, has moved greatly forward toward a final settlement. 
 
It has been said that coordination of views with affected local 
municipalities, a factor that has hindered progress in USFJ 
realignment, was subject to the moves of Okinawa Prefecture. 
Because of this circumstance, the impact of the agreement on 
concerned municipalities, which had been opposed to the 
government plan, cannot be disregarded. If the government can 
share the realistic judgment made by the prefecture with those 
municipalities, it would strengthen the Japan-US alliance, 
whereby improving Japan's security environment. 
 
The prime minister categorically told the governor, "I will 
implement the relocation plan in a sincere manner." The 
government should do its utmost in order to obtain cooperation 
and understanding from Okinawa residents. 
 
It must have been agonizing for the governor to agree on the 
government plan, because he had taken a stance of approving only 
the original plan to relocate Futenma functions to offshore of 
Henoko. 
 
As a result of the agreement yesterday, the Henoko offshore plan 
will be scrapped. However, the final USFJ realignment report has 
incorporated the relocation of 8,000 US Marines to Guam. Sticking 
to the offshore plan cannot change the situation concerning 
Futenma Air Station. The danger will simply increase. We give 
high marks to the governor's de facto policy change made in a bid 
to reduce the danger as well as burden on Okinawa. 
 
However, it would have been better if he made such a realistic 
decision much earlier. The cabinet adopted the Henoko offshore 
relocation plan, based on the final report compiled by the Japan- 
US Special Action Committee on Okinawa (SACO), which the 
governments of Japan and the US had agreed to. However, that plan 
was derailed by Inamine's seeking a 15-year limit on the US' use 
of the base. 
 
China is building up its military power. North Korea is engaging 
in a nuclear development program. A threat of international 
terrorism is also mounting. Japan and the US cannot protect peace 
and security unless they deal with those issues in cooperation. 
The two countries must not repeat the error of undermining their 
alliance ties by creating discord. 
 
(3) Editorial - Futenma relocation: Okinawa governor's anguished 
decision 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
May 12, 2006 
 
 
TOKYO 00002604  005 OF 010 
 
 
It must have been a painful, anguished decision for Okinawa Gov. 
Keiichi Inamine. 
 
Until just recently the governor had been opposed to the central 
government's plan for relocating the US Marine Corps Futenma Air 
Station to the cape of Henoko in Nago City. But he reached 
agreement all of sudden with the central government on dealing 
with the relocation of the airfield, based on the central 
government's plan. 
 
At a press conference, Inamine was asked whether he now concurs 
with the government's plan, to which he retorted: "Thinking that 
way is completely wrong." He explained: "What I have agreed on is 
to hold consultations on the relocation site, based on the 
central government's plan." 
 
But his answer is hard to understand. Naturally, some local 
people are wondering whether (the governor) has actually accepted 
the central government's plan. 
 
Inamine's honest feeling would be that he simply is unable to say 
he approves the central government's plan, nor can he oppose it. 
 
What is felt from his wo-DzNjTQQlelocation of such facilities to somewhere 
outside the prefecture, the rest of Japan remains unwilling to 
listen to Okinawa's call. 
 
What if Okinawa stuck to opposing the Henoko relocation plan? The 
Futenma airfield would remain a dangerous base in the middle of 
the urban area. In addition, the transferal of some 8000 Marines 
from Okinawa to Guam and the return of the base site in the 
central and southern part of the Okinawa mainland - both agreed 
on by the Japanese and US governments - would be put on the 
backburner. 
 
Even so, for the governor, seeing the base being transferred from 
here to there within the prefecture is unacceptable. In addition, 
the Henoko relocation plan lacks the two relocation conditions 
the governor has insisted on: a 15-year time limit on the use of 
an alternative facility and a joint military and civilian use (of 
an alternative facility). Without them, the governor would have 
no means to get back the control of the facility in the hands of 
the Okinawa people in the future. 
 
Following this thinking, options available to the governor were 
limited. 
 
In his talks with the central government, Inamine again proposed 
constructing a temporary helipad on the cape of Henoko. The idea 
is to use it temporarily until the Futenma airfield is relocated 
to somewhere outside the prefecture. This proposal had already 
met with a rejection from the central government. But Inamine 
again presented it perhaps because of his desire to act to the 
last moment in accordance with his principles. 
 
With the agreement this time in mind, Tokyo and Washington must 
believe that the relocation plan will now be implemented. But 
whether things will go as they expect is an open question. 
 
The initial Henoko plan was to construct an alternative facility 
in waters off Henoko. This plan was later foiled by opposition 
 
TOKYO 00002604  006 OF 010 
 
 
from residents and others unwilling to keep silent and endorse 
(the current Henoko plan or the central government's plan). Under 
the current Henoko plan, it may be easy to start the work of 
construction because it can be started on land, but when the 
process moves on to the stage of reclamation, the work of 
reclamation would face obstructions at sea. 
 
Polls conducted in Okinawa always show that an overwhelming 
majority seek to relocate the bases to somewhere outside the 
prefecture. In the gubernatorial election this fall following the 
expiration of Governor Inamine's term of office, what judgment 
will the Okinawa people make about the Henoko relocation plan? 
 
The central government must not misread Inamine's anguish behind 
his recent decision made to reach agreement with the central 
government. Tokyo's failure to fully understand the pain of the 
Okinawa people and listen to their voices with sincerity would 
only lead to suffering a backlash. 
 
(4) Editorial: Governor Inamine's change welcome 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) 
May 12, 2006 
 
Okinawa Governor Keiichi Inamine yesterday met with Defense 
Agency (JDA) Director General Fukushiro Nukaga. During the 
meeting he agreed to negotiate with the government on the Futenma 
Air Station relocation issue, based on the government plan to 
construct a heliport near the coast of Camp Schwab in Nago City. 
He reaffirmed this stance during a meeting with Prime Minister 
Junichiro Koizumi, as well. In reducing the burden of US military 
bases on Okinawa, it is important to relocate Futenma Air Station 
from downtown Ginowan at an early date. If the agreement marks a 
positive change in Mr. Inamine's policy stance, then we welcome 
his decision. 
 
In 1996, Tokyo and Washington agreed to relocate Futenma 
functions within 5-7 years under the condition that a replacement 
facility be constructed within Okinawa. Then Governor Masahide 
Ota objected to the government plan to construct a replacement 
facility off Henoko, Nago City, calling for transferring such 
functions outside Okinawa. Inamine, who was elected in 1998, 
pledged to make a replacement facility off Henoko an airport for 
joint military-civilian use and attach a 15-year limit to its 
use. Since then 10 years have passed without any prospects of the 
construction of the facility, because the US has refused to 
approve the 15-year limit. 
 
In response to mounting US dissatisfaction, Japan and the US in 
October 2005 reached a new agreement on a ground-based heliport 
plan using part of Camp Schwab and reclaimed land. The Security 
Consultative Committee (SCC) consisting of foreign and defense 
policy officials reaffirmed this plan in its final USFJ 
realignment report mapped out on May 1, after revising part of 
that agreement, complying with requests from Nago in April 2006. 
However, Mr. Inamine had insisted that he would maintain his old 
position toward the agreements between the central government and 
Nago, and between Japan and the US, based on this commitment to 
making a replacement facility an airport for joint military- 
civilian use. 
 
We have called on Mr. Inamine to make a realistic decision in 
order to eliminate the dangers of Futenma Air Station as soon as 
 
TOKYO 00002604  007 OF 010 
 
 
possible. After exchanging the confirmation document with JDA 
Director General Nukaga, Mr. Inamine told reporters: "The 
agreement does not mean I have agreed on the government plan. It 
means that we will negotiate, based on this agreement." It may 
have been an indication that while he does not completely agree 
with the government plan, he will not oppose it. 
 
A gubernatorial election is to take place in Okinawa in November. 
Mr. Inamine noted: "I cannot serve in the post any longer. I want 
to leave conservative prefectural politics to my successor." 
Candidates to replace him have yet to come forward. The Futenma 
relocation issue is bound to become a campaign issue. 
Coordination of views between the government and Okinawa over the 
Futenma relocation is expected to face some more setbacks. 
 
(5) Editorial - Futenma relocation: Problems facing Okinawa yet 
to be resolved 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full) 
May 12, 2006 
 
The central government and Okinawa Prefecture have agreed on 
continuing consultations on the relocation of the US Marine Corps 
Futenma Air Station, based on the central government's plan. But 
the problems facing Okinawa have yet to be resolved. The central 
government is responsible for doing its utmost to settle 
remaining issues. 
 
After the talks with Defense Agency Director-General Fukushiro 
Nukaga, Okinawa Gov. Keiichi Inamine stressed it was incorrect to 
say that Okinawa has now given the nod to the central 
government's plan. Nukaga and Inamine shook hands (at a press 
conference after their meeting), but Inamine turned his face away 
from Nukaga in doing so. This attitude implies his discontent 
with the central government for not having settled anything yet. 
 
Inamine's position until recently was "not to accept" the central 
government's plan, namely, relocating the US airfield to the 
coastal portion of Camp Schwab. Now, however, he has reached 
agreement with the central government on the plan. This move can 
be taken as a policy change. He now aims to follow a pragmatic 
line of extracting as many favorable terms as possible from Tokyo 
in return for his acceptance of the plan, otherwise Tokyo would 
eventually brush aside Okinawa's objections. 
 
But the situation is not so easy as one senior official in Tokyo 
elatedly stated, "We've taken this as the governor's de facto 
approval for our plan." 
 
In the process of reaching an agreement, Nukaga and Inamine 
confirmed they would work to 1) remove the danger of the Futenma 
airfield, 2) ensure the safety of residents in the vicinity; 3) 
conserve the natural surroundings; and 4) gauge the feasibility 
of relocation work. Clearing all these hurdles will not be easy. 
 
The first hurdle to clear its to remove the danger. Okinawa 
intends to press Tokyo for constructing a temporary helipad at 
the relocation site, but Tokyo is unlikely to accept Okinawa's 
proposal. Securing the safety of residents in the vicinity of the 
relocation site and protecting the marine environment would be 
both difficult without making changes to the central government's 
plan. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002604  008 OF 010 
 
 
Following Nukaga, Inamine met with Prime Minister Koizumi and 
asked him for assistance, including new legislation, as to the 
use of vacated land after the return of US military facilities 
and the employment of workers at such military facilities. The 
prime minister told Inamine, "The government as a whole will make 
every possible effort to respond to your request." The government 
is not allowed to make empty promises. 
 
Most Okinawan people are still opposed to the central 
government's plan. If Tokyo remains reluctant to make clear the 
terms for the relocation, there would surely be an impact on the 
gubernatorial race in Okinawa set for the fall. Depending on the 
outcome of the election, the agreement this time between Tokyo 
and Okinawa would be scrapped. High-handedness by the central 
government would end up essentially cutting its own throat. 
 
Each House of the Diet in its plenary session yesterday had a 
question-and-answer session on the final report on the US force 
realignment released by the Japanese and US governments. 
 
On that occasion, when asked how he would explain to locals 
(about the final report), Koizumi gave only this remark: "I will 
continue efforts to do so with sincerity." He noted Japan will 
pay about 700 billion yen of the relocation cost of US troops in 
Japan to Guam, and that no countries other than Japan have paid 
such a huge amount of money, but he was unwilling to indicate any 
ground in specific terms for Japan's share. 
 
On the question of Japan's total payment - estimated at 3 
trillion yen - concerning the US force realignment, Koizumi only 
said: "It's difficult to indicate how the cost will actually run 
up at this point." He did not reveal anything the public wants to 
know. 
 
As it stands, even the move by the government not to submit 
relevant bills to the current Diet session gives the impression 
that it is trying to dodge Diet debates. We urge the government 
to fulfill its accountability; otherwise, it cannot obtain 
understanding from either Okinawa or the rest of Japan. 
 
(6) Suggestions to Prime Minister Koizumi: Japan should stop 
being a protected country 
 
SANKEI (Page 3) (Full) 
May 11, 2006 
 
By Yoshiko Sakurai, journalist 
 
US Deputy Under Secretary of Defense Richard Lawless stated on 
April 25 that Japan's share of the costs for the relocation of 
the US forces in Japan would total at least 26 billion dollars 
(approximately 2.28 trillion yen). I wonder what he really meant. 
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi said, "He must have given 
consideration to US public opinion." I don't think Lawless made a 
statement that was totally different from his real intention just 
for domestic consumption. 
 
It is well known that there are the two views of Japan in the 
United States: One is that Japan should become an independent 
country, abolishing the restrictions in Article 9 of the 
Constitution, and the other is that Japan should tenaciously hold 
on to the pacifist principles in Article 9. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002604  009 OF 010 
 
 
One person advocating for the former view has been former Deputy 
Secretary of Sate Richard Armitage, who released the Armitage 
 
SIPDIS 
Report in the fall of 2000. His view is that Japan-US relations 
should become similar to the relationship between the US and 
Britain, and that it is only natural for Japan to revise Article 
9 so that Japan and the US will be on equal terms. 
 
A representative of those advocating the latter view is Zbigniew 
Brzezinski, a scholar familiar with Japan who once served as 
national security advisor to President Jimmy Carter. He 
repeatedly wrote in one of his books, The Grand Chessboard, that 
Japan is a country protected by the United States since it 
entrusts its security to the Security Treaty with that country. 
He stressed that since it is impossible for Japan to become a 
major Asian power or a global superpower, it should strive to 
actively participate in international peacekeeping activities and 
assist the economic development of other countries in the future. 
He asserts that it would be in the best national interests of the 
US to urge Japan to walk this path, which will be in the national 
interests of the United States. 
 
Brzezinski predicted that China would continue to grow into major 
power, eventually swallowing up Taiwan. It will not only become 
the chief power in East Asia, it also will become a world 
superpower. 
 
According to his outlook, Japan will continue to be a country 
protected by the US, having no desire to become an independent 
nation. Japan will say crouched between the US and China forever. 
Japan will have to pursue economic growth and return its profits 
to the international community. It means that the United States 
and the world will use Japan's funds as they did so during the 
Gulf War in 1991. 
 
Such a view exists also in Japan. It stems from the thinking that 
Japan, reflecting its past acts of aggression as the country that 
caused the war in the Pacific, must not possess a military power 
that ordinary countries have. Japan therefore should put its 
energies into economic development. 
 
This thinking lies behind the set of proposals on future Japan- 
China relations released on May 9 by the Japan Association of 
Corporate Executives (Keizai Doyukai). President Kakutaro 
Kitashiro told a news conference that China and South Korea's 
understanding of Prime Minister Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni 
Shrine can never be obtained, and that it was indispensable not 
to create distrust of Japan in China by further visits to the 
shrine. 
 
But Prime Minister Koizumi rejected the business lobby's advice, 
saying, "That issue is different from politics." If I may go one 
step further, we also must correct the argument that Japan should 
be protected by the US and the view that Japan should be a 
handicapped country. 
 
Various democratic countries have stared disclosing much 
information this year marking the 60th anniversary of the end of 
the war. Taking advantage of some of the disclosed information, 
the book Mao: The Unknown Story was written by Jung Chang and Jon 
Halliday. The book reveals that the 1928 bombing and killing of 
Zhang Zuolin, the warlord of Manchuria, was the work of Russia. 
The book also reveals that it was not Kwantung Army, a unit of 
the Imperial Japanese Army, that was responsible for the 1937 
 
TOKYO 00002604  010 OF 010 
 
 
Marco Polo Bridge Incident spreading to become the Second Sino- 
Japanese War. It was the work of Zhang Zhizhong, a Chinese 
Communist Party agent, whom Zhou Enlai sent to spy on Jiang 
Jieshi. The book makes it clear that it was not "evil Japan" and 
the "evil Kwantung Army" alone that triggered the Second Sino- 
Japanese War and thus World War II. Therefore, Japan should not 
have to stay a handicapped country. The prime minister's visits 
to Yasukuni Shrine should not evoke the distrust (of Asian 
countries). 
 
The role of politicians is to assume leadership in revising such 
(incorrect) history and to let Japan become a normal country. If 
politicians can do that, Japan as a democratic state will be able 
to gain strength in the security area, as well. Breaking away 
from its dependence on the United States, Japan will be able to 
change the Japan-US alliance from the unilateral treaty it is now 
into a bilateral one. 
 
There are signs of such a development now in Japan. However, it 
took more than 10 years to move ahead with a plan to relocate the 
US Marine Corps Futenma Air Station. During that time, people 
wondered if Japan was really serious. They wondered if it really 
wanted to become independent. 
 
That is probably why Deputy Under Secretary of Defense Lawless 
made his statement about the cost of realignment. He might have 
meant that the USFJ realignment would cost 3 trillion yen if 
Japan would place importance on economic development, as 
Brzezinski defined. The prime minister bears responsibility for 
making the public understand the real US intention. It is a shame 
that the prime minister said that Lawless had mentioned the 26 
billion dollars out of consideration for the US domestic 
situation. 
 
SCHIEFFER