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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 002564 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST 
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS 
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/11/06 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Futenma relocation to be implemented, based on government 
plan, Okinawa governor, JDA Director General Nukaga agree; Five- 
point confirmation document signed; Conditions include 
elimination of dangers 
 
(2) Okinawa Governor: To say I accepted (the Futenma relocation 
plan) is completely wrong 
 
(3) Logjam of important bills in Lower House one month before 
Diet session ends 
 
(4) Editorial - Keizai Doyukai 's proposals could help China 
interfere even more in Japan's internal affairs 
 
(5) Editorial - Keizai Doyukai's suggestion: Business circles 
also concerned about prime minister's Yasukuni Shrine visits 
 
(6) "Morse Target" losing its significance 
 
(7) Editorial: Action needed over publicity to improve US image 
 
(8) Editorial: Tougher diplomacy to stave off Iran crisis urged 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Futenma relocation to be implemented, based on government 
plan, Okinawa governor, JDA Director General Nukaga agree; Five- 
point confirmation document signed; Conditions include 
elimination of dangers 
 
ASAHI (Top Play) (Excerpts) 
May 11, 2006 
 
Defense Agency (JDA) Director General Nukaga and Okinawa Governor 
Inamine met today at the JDA to discuss the issue of relocating 
Futenma Air Station in Okinawa. During the meeting they  agreed 
to the relocation of Futenma's functions to Henoko Point, Nago 
City, based on the latest government plan. Both signed a 
confirmation document, which included a condition that the 
dangers of Futenma Air Station should be eliminated. Inamine had 
been opposed to the government plan, but a senior government 
official today noted, "We see the agreement as Okinawa Prefecture 
having in effect agreed on the government plan." Following the 
agreement reached today, the government will aim to have a final 
agreement on USFJ realignment adopted by the cabinet. The 
relocation of Futenma functions will now start based on the 
government plan. 
 
In connection with this development, Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe 
this morning told a news conference that coordination is underway 
for Prime Minister Koizumi to meet with Inamine today. 
 
The basic confirmation document, which Nukaga and Inamine 
exchanged, covers five points. The document stipulates that the 
JDA and Okinawa Prefecture are to relocate Futenma functions to 
Henoko Point, based on the government plan, while being mindful 
of the following factors: (1) the elimination of the dangers of 
the Futenma Air Station; (2) the safety of nearby residents; (3) 
the preservation of the natural environment and (4) feasibility 
of the plan. It also noted that the JDA, the prefecture and other 
related local municipalities would regularly and sincerely 
 
TOKYO 00002564  002 OF 010 
 
 
discuss the relocation plan. 
 
Nukaga and Inamine held a joint press conference after the 
meeting. During the press conference, Inamine said: "The removal 
of the dangers of Futenma Air Station has been Okinawa's long- 
standing top agenda item. We have now taken a step forward for an 
early settlement of this issue." Asked whether he had agreed on 
the government plan, he simply said: "That is not the case at 
all. I will talk (to the government regarding such issues as the 
removal of dangers) to the new site." In that process, I will 
make efforts to reflect the prefecture's view in the plan." 
 
Outline of basic confirmation document signed between JDA and 
Okinawa Prefecture 
 
¶1.   The relocation plan is to be carried out in a manner of 
maintaining a balance between the maintaining of the deterrent 
capability of US forces in Japan and the reduction of burden on 
Okinawa. 
 
¶2.   The relocation plan is to be carried, based on the 
government plan, while being mindful of (1) the removal of the 
dangers of Futenma Air Station; (2) the safety of nearby 
residents; (3) the preservation of the natural environment; and 
(4) the feasibility of the relocation project. 
 
¶3.   The JDA, Okinawa Prefecture, Nago City and other related 
municipalities are to regularly discuss the plan to construct 
replacement facilities, based on this confirmation document. 
 
¶4.   The government is to discuss the specifics of a final 
agreement on USFJ realignment with Okinawa Prefecture, Nago City, 
and other related municipalities in advance when it has it 
adopted by the cabinet. 
 
¶5.   The government will look into measures to further improve 
the operation of the Japan-US Status of Forces Agreement. 
 
(2) Okinawa Governor: To say I accepted (the Futenma relocation 
plan) is completely wrong 
 
ASAHI (Page 14) (Full) 
Evening, May 11, 2006 
 
The face of the JDA chief was beaming, but that of Okinawa 
Governor Keiichi Inamine was rigid. The governor kept repeating 
over and over: "(To say that I accepted it) is completely wrong." 
The two agreed to basically continue talks on the government's 
plan to build two runways in a V shape at Henoko Point in the 
city of Nago, Okinawa Prefecture. Afterward, the two met the 
press corps with totally different countenances. 
 
When the press corps asked him if the prefecture, too, had agreed 
(to the central government's plan), Governor Inamine strongly 
denied it, using such expressions as, "That's completely wrong," 
or, "If nothing happens, talks will not go forward,' or, "In any 
case, (the government's plan) is just the threshold." Asked about 
the proposal he made on May 4 for a temporary heliport, as well, 
the governor made it clear he would continue to advocate such a 
plan in the future. 
 
(3) Logjam of important bills in Lower House one month before 
Diet session ends 
 
TOKYO 00002564  003 OF 010 
 
 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Abridged) 
May 11, 2006 
 
With an end to the current Diet session approaching, many 
important bills are still stuck in the Lower House. Some senior 
Upper House lawmakers have begun calling on the ruling coalition 
to railroad the remaining bills through the Lower House. In a bid 
to break the logjam in the Lower House, Diet affairs chiefs of 
the ruling and opposition parties met for the first time 
yesterday since Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) installed 
its new leadership. 
 
There is only about a month left before the current Diet session 
adjourns on June 18. Following the meeting of Diet affairs chairs 
yesterday, bright prospects emerged for at least the medical 
reform-related bills to clear the Lower House. The ruling and 
opposition blocs have also decided to begin deliberations on a 
bill amending the Basic Education Law next week. 
 
Despite that, a senior ruling party member said depressingly, 
"The term of the Diet session is fixed, and there still remain so 
many bills. We may have to handle them in the order of 
importance." 
 
A New Komeito member also complained, "Many government offices 
produced tough bills to get them approved while the highly 
popular Prime Minister Koizumi is in office." 
 
But doubts are rising about the presentation to the Diet of a 
national referendum bill on amending the Constitution, which is 
top priority for the ruling camp, along with a bill amending the 
Basic Education Law. Minshuto President Ichiro Ozawa rejected 
jointly sponsoring the bill with the Liberal Democratic Party and 
New Komeito. 
 
Chances are also slim for the Basic Education Law revision bill 
to clear the Diet without an extension of the current session. 
The Diet affairs chiefs of the ruling and opposition camps also 
decided to forgo an early vote on the bill amending the Organized 
Crime Punishment Law that would make conspiracy a crime. 
 
A delay in passing bills by the ruling coalition, which hold a 
two-thirds of the Lower House seats, is taking its toll on the 
Upper House. Mikio Aoki, who heads the LDP caucus in the Upper 
House, urged in the May 9 party executive meeting his Lower House 
colleagues to ram important bills through the Diet by taking 
advantage of their numerical superiority. 
 
But the Diet affairs chiefs of the ruling coalition opted to find 
a breakthrough through talks so as not to be criticized as 
arrogant. Minshuto is determined to boycott Diet deliberations 
altogether if the ruling coalition forcibly passes even one bill. 
The ruling bloc fears a major upset in the management of Diet 
affairs at its closing stage. 
 
Opposition camp bullish owing to "Ozawa effects" 
 
Following the talks with his ruling party counterparts, Minshuto 
Diet affairs chief Kozo Watanabe commented confidently last 
night: 
 
"We were lucky that the ruling coalition agreed not to take a 
 
TOKYO 00002564  004 OF 010 
 
 
Lower House vote on conspiracy legislation until after the Golden 
Week holidays. I'll bet that (LDP Diet Affairs Committee Chairman 
Hiroyuki) Hosoda will be again blamed by Upper House members." 
 
Minshuto is increasingly upbeat under Ozawa, who has pushed up 
the party's support ratings. Ozawa has taken a clear adversarial 
stand against the ruling coalition. 
 
Ozawa warned the huge ruling coalition in a press conference May 
9: "Armed with a two-thirds of the Lower House seats, it is 
certain that (the ruling camp) can ram (any bill) through the 
chamber. But the consequence is always followed by a judgment by 
the people as sovereign." 
 
On May 9, Minshuto executives determined that their party would 
fight tooth and nail to block conspiracy legislation and pursue 
the government's accountability for US force realignment in the 
remaining Diet session. Ozawa also noted that afternoon, "We will 
continue questioning the government's position severely." 
 
He also said regarding US force realignment, "The prime 
minister's relationship with the United States has turned Japan 
into a country that is a far cry from being a true US ally." 
Ozawa intends to take up the issue in his one-on-one debate with 
Koizumi, expected to occur later this month. 
 
Ozawa's rejection to jointly present a national referendum bill 
epitomizes his antagonistic stance toward the ruling coalition. 
Minshuto is now focused on highlighting the highhandedness of the 
ruling coalition in the remaining Diet session. 
 
(4) Editorial - Keizai Doyukai 's proposals could help China 
interfere even more in Japan's internal affairs 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
May 11, 2006 
 
In a recent report, the Japan Association of Corporate Executives 
(Keizai Doyukai) suggested that Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi 
should desist from paying homage at Yasukuni Shrine in order to 
repair the current strained relations with China, noting, "It is 
advisable for the prime minister to reconsider visiting the 
shrine." Why did it offer such advice at this point? The 
suggestion has baffled us. 
 
In late March, Chinese President Hu Jintao met with a Japanese 
delegation led by former Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto that 
was visiting China. The delegation consisted of leaders of Japan- 
China friendship organizations. Hu told the delegates: "We are 
ready to hold a summit meeting with Japan if its leader stops 
visiting Yasukuni Shrine, which enshrines 'Class A war 
criminals.''" The implication of his remark is a warning to 
Koizumi's successor, who will be elected in the ruling Liberal 
Democratic Party (LDP) presidential election set for this fall. 
South Korea, as well, has refused to hold summit talks with Japan 
for the same reason. 
 
Even some Japanese lawmakers are trying to link the Yasukuni 
issue to East Asian diplomacy in order to bring it to center 
stage in the campaign for the LDP presidential seat. As if to 
coincide with this move, Keizai Doyukai suggested Koizumi should 
refrain from visiting the shrine. This will only further 
encourage China and other countries to meddle even more in 
 
TOKYO 00002564  005 OF 010 
 
 
Japan's internal affairs. 
 
Keizai Doyukai also has proposed erecting a national memorial 
monument as an alternative facility for Yasukuni Shrine. This 
proposal appears to comply with the requests by China and South 
Korea, but the Japanese public has yet to form a consensus on the 
matter. 
 
During the staff meeting of the Doyukai, objections were raised 
against the suggestion, such as, "We should not issue such a 
proposal at this point," and, "We should not urge (the prime 
minister) to reconsider his visits to Yasukuni Shrine." Of the 
some 70 attendees, 11 were reportedly opposed to offering such a 
suggestion. We hope Keizai Doyukai will reveal what sorts of 
opposing views were expressed. 
 
Prime Minister Koizumi commented: "I have been (until now) asked 
by business leaders not to 'visit the shrine,' but I have 
definitely told them, 'Business and politics are two separate 
matters.'" Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe, too, remarked: 
"All the prime minister has said is everything I want to say." We 
offer our endorsement to the government's consistent attitude. 
 
The report states: "Words and deeds that cause China and other 
Asian nations to entertain doubts (about Japan) could bring about 
a rejection of postwar Japan as a whole and would not serve 
Japan's national interests." But isn't it true that giving undue 
consideration for our neighbors has already put Japan's diplomacy 
on the wrong track after the end of the war? Japan instead needs 
to have a foreign policy of saying what it must say even though 
China and other nations harbor doubts. 
 
Paying homage at Yasukuni Shrine is part of Japanese culture and 
it is a matter of hearts of the Japanese people. We hope to see 
an environment created for Japanese people to be able to do so 
without causing any interference, whatever intention they may 
have in doing so. 
 
(5) Editorial - Keizai Doyukai's suggestion: Business circles 
also concerned about prime minister's Yasukuni Shrine visits 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
May 11, 2006 
 
The Japan Association of Corporate Executives (Keizai Doyukai), 
known as an active policy proponent among economic organizations, 
recently offered a proposal for the future of Japan-China 
relations urging the prime minister to reconsider his visits to 
Yasukuni Shrine. 
 
According to the proposal, Keizai Doyukai suggests that the prime 
minister, following Japan's own judgment, should abstain from 
visiting the shrine, and that Japan should erect a memorial 
monument where people can renew the pledge never to fight a war 
again. We are sympathetic to the proposal. 
 
In dealing with the Yasukuni issue, Yotaro Kobayashi, former 
chairman of Keizai Doyukai and the top advisor of Fuji Xerox Co., 
Ltd., was threatened by someone in such ways as the explosion of 
fire bombs on the porch of his residence. The attack was 
allegedly triggered by his remark he made as Japan's chair of the 
New Japan-China Friendship Committee for the 21st Century about 
the prime minister's shrine visit. The remark was: "Personally, I 
 
TOKYO 00002564  006 OF 010 
 
 
hope he will stop visiting it." 
 
Some in business circles are reluctant to say anything about the 
Yasukuni issue. But IBM Japan Chairman Kakutaro Kitashiro, now 
chairman of Keizai Doyukai who succeeded Yotaro Kobayashi, did 
not shy away from the issue and put together his ideas into a 
proposal. In this regard, we respect him. 
 
With the continued expansion of economic exchanges between Japan 
and China, China has been the largest trade partner for Japan in 
trade value since 2004. Economic ties between the two countries 
are not bad: portrayed as being chilly on the political front but 
being hot on the economic front. 
 
The reason why Keizai Doyukai nonetheless ventured to take up the 
Yasukuni issue is because of its sense of alarm that the chilly 
relationship in the political area will sooner or later have a 
negative effect on economic affairs and trade between the two 
nations. 
 
The proposal also points out the need for Japan to have a basic 
strategy of fostering a good relationship with China, seeing 
relations with China in the broad context of Japan's safety and 
prosperity and the East Asian region's progress. 
 
Some in Keizai Doyukai took the position that "Given that Prime 
Minister Koizumi will step down soon, it is unnecessary to offer 
a suggestion on the Yasukuni issue." But others reportedly 
overcame objections and adopted the proposal, saying: "We urge 
the successor to Mr. Koizumi to follow our suggestion." The 
proposal is likely to affect also the Liberal Democratic Party 
presidential race to determine who will succeed Koizumi. 
 
Prime Minister Koizumi's reaction to the proposal is something 
that we can't understand. He commented: "I have been asked by a 
number of business leaders not to visit (Yasukuni Shrine), and 
their request came perhaps for their concerns about  their 
business, but I have told them firmly that I won't accept your 
request because business and politics are two different things." 
Koizumi's attitude - as if to say that the proposal is calculated 
and is based on the desire for immediate gains - is nothing more 
than being rude. 
 
Koizumi has has invited business leaders to government councils 
deciding government policies to become their members, for 
instance, the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy. He has done 
so presumably out of his desire to make the best use of ideas and 
leadership capabilities fostered in actual business experiences. 
But he brushes aside a proposal that hits home with him by saying 
" it only concerns business." This attitude is unreasonable. 
 
Needless to say, economic interests are only part of national 
interests. But politicians should remember that it is their job 
to support economic progress and strive to remove obstacles to 
economic progress. 
 
Keizai Doyukai's proposal this time has a wide variety of ideas, 
such as concluding a free trade agreement between Japan and 
China, joint energy development, and sports and cultural 
exchanges. Both the governments should listen to the proposal 
with sincerity. 
 
(6) "Morse Target" losing its significance 
 
TOKYO 00002564  007 OF 010 
 
 
 
ASAHI (Page 15) (Abridged slightly) 
May 11, 2006 
 
By Yoichi Kato, Asahi Shimbun American Bureau Chief 
 
The "Morse Target," a pie chart listing prominent American 
figures wielding significant influence on Japan-US relations, was 
released in Washington last week. 
 
The figures are classified as "soft" to "hard" toward the center 
of the concentric circles forming a target-like pie chart. They 
are also grouped into quadrants labeled as the "Bush 
Administration," "US Congress," and so on, based on their 
affiliation (see attachment). 
 
The chart also includes such well-known pro-Japan persons as 
former US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage and former 
National Security Council Asian Affairs Director Michael Green, 
plus President George W. Bush and Secretary of State Condoleezza 
Rice. Of all the persons connected with the US government, 
President Bush is categorized as the softest toward Japan. 
 
The "Morse Target," mapped out first in 1989 by former UCLA 
Professor Ronald Morse, 67, known as a revisionist, has been 
renewed every several years. The target drew much attention as a 
"must read" at the height of trade friction between Japan and the 
United States. 
 
I hear that anyone who was labeled as a hardliner was often 
invited to a lunch at the Japanese Embassy and that many who did 
not make the chart asked for their listing to be regarded as 
"important players" or for a change in their position. 
 
But the target released on May 3 did not attract much attention. 
In fact, only some 20 people, mostly Japan experts, showed up at 
the conference room of a think tank for the release of this 
year's target. I understand that many years ago, nearly 100 
congressional and government officials packed the conference 
room. Those days are over. No one came from the Japanese Embassy. 
 
One attendant indicated that the target would make a good 
discussion material, while another described it meaningless. 
 
Morse ascribes declining interest in the listing of a large 
number of individuals to the limited number of Japan-US relations 
players under the Bush administration. Morse took this view: 
 
"In past administrations, 50 to 60% of the individuals who made 
the chart played important roles in devising policy toward Japan. 
But the current administration has only five or six main 
players." 
 
The latest chart, Morse said, is also characterized by a decline 
in the number of "hard" individuals and an overall shift to 
"soft." He also described the hollowing out of the central part 
as "donut phenomenon." Unlike the 1990s, it signifies the absence 
of sources of dispute between the two countries. 
 
To being with, many think that classifying individuals as "hard" 
or "soft" no longer holds. One expert noted: 
 
"In recent years, trade friction is limited to such specific 
 
TOKYO 00002564  008 OF 010 
 
 
areas as agriculture and pharmaceuticals. It is no longer 
possible to classify players base on all counts." 
 
Some think that the prime minister's visit to Yasukuni Shrine is 
the only issue that deserves classification. This is about the 
only issue that splits American experts on Japan. 
 
Japan-US relations have drastically changed since the 1990s. 
 
Contrary to Washington's expectations, Iraq's democratization has 
not progressed. The US is also busy dealing with the Iranian 
nuclear issue. A dark cloud is also hanging over relations with 
Russia. Needless to say, forging appropriate relations with a 
rising China in Asia is a top priority for the US. Given the 
situation, Japan is a security blanket free from locking horns 
with the US. It also means that Japan has become a mature ally 
for the US. Declining interest in the Morse Target in the US 
symbolically suggests such position of Japan. 
 
(7) Editorial: Action needed over publicity to improve US image 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
May 11, 2006 
 
The popularity of US President Bush and his administration is in 
the doldrums. The General Accounting Office (GAO), an 
investigative arm of the US Congress and now renamed the 
Government Accountability Office, released a report early this 
month, in which GAO criticized the Department of State's public 
diplomacy as lacking any strategy. The Bush administration has 
laid emphasis on grassroots diplomacy that has mainly targeted 
the Islamic world. In point of fact, however, the GAO report 
probably meant to say such diplomacy has failed to achieve 
noticeable results. 
 
The approval rating for Bush is now down to nearly 30%. His 
popularity has continued to plummet, with his administration 
having failed to bring the international community together. Such 
being the case, it has become increasingly difficult to help 
Iraq's reconstruction and resolve the issue of Iran's nuclear 
ambitions. We urge the Bush administration then to seriously 
consider what it should do to recover its domestic popularity and 
international credibility. The same goes for the United States' 
allies, including Japan. 
 
Public diplomacy-unlike state-to-state diplomacy-is intended to 
work directly on citizens through the media, including 
publications. After the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on 
America, the Bush administration named Charlotte Beers, known as 
the "Queen of Madison Avenue," to the post of undersecretary of 
State for public diplomacy and public affairs. After her 
resignation in 2003, the Bush administration appointed one of 
Bush's aides, Karen Hughes, as its ace. 
 
However, there has been no sign that public diplomacy is making 
eye-catching changes for the better. In its 2003 and 2005 
reports, GAO pointed to the lack of interdepartmental teamwork. 
The latest report from GAO also reiterated the same point, 
referring to the lack of foreign service officers with a command 
of local languages in the Islamic world. GAO suggested the need 
for the Bush administration to show what the goal is for its 
public diplomacy. For one thing, its significance is hard to see. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002564  009 OF 010 
 
 
The Bush administration spent approximately 600 million 
dollars-equivalent to about 66 billion yen-on its public 
diplomacy in fiscal 2005. However, the GAO report notes that 
polls in the Islamic world still show negative feelings about the 
United States. That is because the Bush administration's way of 
doing things in public relations might be not good enough. 
However, publicity alone is not good enough to hope for a big 
change of mind toward the United States. It is important that the 
Bush administration should take such a simple fact to heart. 
 
Shortly after the latest GAO report came out, the United Nations 
Committee against Torture (UNCAT) met in Geneva. UNCAT revealed 
there that 120 of those detained in camps set up by the United 
States in Iraq and Afghanistan had died there, and that 29 of 
them are suspected of having been tortured to death. 
 
In the meantime, the US' Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) is 
also alleged to have abducted Arab terror suspects in Europe and 
tortured them in another country. The European Parliament last 
month released an interim report admitting to the CIA abductions. 
The Bush administration has championed freedom and democracy. 
That notwithstanding, the administration itself has had a hand in 
the torture and abuse cases. As a result, many Islamic people 
have died. This fact appears to be a double standard in the eyes 
of peoples of the Islamic world in particular. In order to erase 
such an unfavorable image, the United States has no choice but to 
make steady efforts through daily conduct, not through 
disseminating public information. 
 
There are a number of points for the United States to reconsider, 
including its strong patronage of Israel in the Middle East peace 
process. Right after the terrorist attacks, the American people 
hated terrorism. At the same time, the Americans also asked 
themselves why their country was attacked. It is worthwhile for 
the US government to go back to the starting point and rethink 
its responses. 
 
(8) Editorial: Tougher diplomacy to stave off Iran crisis urged 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) 
May 11, 2006 
 
Diplomacy toward Iran regarding its nuclear development issue is 
about to reach a major turning point. A statement issued by the 
chairman of the UN Security Council urged that nation to end its 
uranium enrichment activities. However, Iran continues to stand 
firm in its stance of carrying on with the program. In order to 
top Iran from going ahead with its nuclear development program 
and contain rising tensions in the Middle East, the international 
community must unite and show its willingness to take a tougher 
diplomatic stance. 
 
The US, Britain, France, Germany, China and Russia during a 
foreign ministerial meeting held earlier in the week reaffirmed 
their determination to urge Iran to suspend its uranium 
enrichment activities. The next step is for the UN Security 
Council to adopt a similar resolution. However, discord remains 
between the US and Europe on the one side and China and Russia on 
the other. The US and Europe want to characterize Iran's nuclear 
development as a threat to international peace and security and 
have tried to stipulate in the resolution that it would be based 
on UN Charter Chapter 7, a step that could pave the way for 
punitive measures. China and Russia are reluctant to adopt such 
 
TOKYO 00002564  010 OF 010 
 
 
wording, fearing such could lead to the invocation of economic 
sanctions or military action in the future. 
 
Prolongation of a situation in which leading UN member nations 
are at odds with each other must be avoided. To begin with, it is 
important to let Iran know that carrying out such a plan will be 
of no benefit. US Ambassador to the UN Bolton has referred to the 
possibility of proposing the imposition of sanctions in a 
coalition-of-the-willing-type manner against that nation in the 
event UNSC talks end in failure. However, before proposing such a 
measure, leading countries should do their utmost to come up with 
a unified position. It is also essential for China and Russia to 
rise above their respective economic interests and take a clear 
stance toward Iran from the perspective of preventing nuclear 
proliferation. 
 
The Iranian government has announced its determination to carry 
on with its uranium enrichment program. It has also indicated the 
possibility of opting out of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty 
(NPT). Supreme Leader Ali Hoseini-Khamenei even stated his 
intention to transfer Iran's nuclear technology to other 
countries. This would lead to denying the claim he himself made 
that Iran's uranium enrichment is for peaceful purpose only. 
Comments like this only further mount concern already harbored in 
the international community. 
 
Iran, egged on by its own nationalism, is exaggerating the 
pressure coming from the US and Europe. On the other hand, the 
international concern about Iran's nuclear proliferation stemming 
from its development activities has reportedly yet to trickle 
down across that nation. It is important to let Iran recognize 
the situation in an objective way and make a cool-headed 
judgment, by explaining it that the international community is 
seriously concerned, that it is risky for Iran to become 
isolated, and that abandoning the nuclear development program 
would be to its advantage. Japan is also being put to the test 
for it, too, must recognize that the resolving the Iran nuclear 
issue is extremely important for preventing nuclear 
proliferation. Instead, Japan has been acting from a perspective 
of which it should choose -- the US or oil. It is regrettable 
that leading countries' talks are underway without the 
participation of Japan. The significance of Japan's diplomacy in 
this regard could be great. 
 
Iranian President Ahmadi-Nejad this week sent a letter to 
President Bush. The US government noted that the letter had 
broken no new ground for settling the nuclear issue, but it is a 
new development between the two countries, which have had no 
channel for direct dialogue because of the protracted severance 
of diplomatic relations. Some in the US are beginning to take the 
view that the US needs to talk directly with Iran. Japan should 
keep a close watch on efforts to find a breakthrough through such 
a new channel. 
 
SCHIEFFER