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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 002196 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST 
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS 
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/21/06 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Flexible remark on Futenma relocation by Okinawa governor: 
"Defense is a matter under the sole control of the central 
government" 
 
(2) Marine survey around Takeshima: ROK willing to pursue 
diplomatic solution, may shelve its planned proposal for 
topographical names in Korean language 
 
(3) Vice Foreign Minister Yachi will arrive in Seoul this 
afternoon and hold talks with ROK officials 
 
(4) Scope column - Reasons for intensified dispute over Takeshima 
(Dokdo): Japan can't overlook South Korea's defacto control, 
while ROK regards it as part of history issue 
 
(5) Japan, US, China should hold talks: Campbell 
 
(6) Japan-US beef talks: Inspection of processing facilities 
remain up in the air; Standoff continues over inspection 
checklist 
 
(7) Koizumi kaleidoscopic in Diet remarks over 34 years: Tokyo 
University-Asahi Shimbun joint study 
 
(8) Study of Sadakazu Tanigaki, post-Koizumi contender: Has good 
sense of balance and does not make enemies 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Flexible remark on Futenma relocation by Okinawa governor: 
"Defense is a matter under the sole control of the central 
government" 
 
ASAHI (Page 1) (Full) 
Evening, April 21, 2006 
 
In connection with the issue of relocating the US Marines' 
Futenma Air Station, Okinawa Prefecture Governor Keiichi Inamine 
at his regular press conference today made this comment about the 
proposal to relocate Futenma to Nago City's Henoko point, as 
agreed by the central government and Nago City: "Foreign affairs 
and defense are matters under the sole control of central 
government. Such matters are not for (the prefecture) to approve 
or disapprove." The governor also stated: "I have not changed my 
way of thinking (that the Henoko Point proposal is 
unacceptable)." However, he seems to have suggested he was not 
thinking of the prefecture taking a strong negative stance should 
the same plan be included in the final report between Japan and 
the US on US forces realignment. 
 
The governor last October when the agreement on the Henoko Point 
plan was made, came out with a strong negative stance, making 
this comment: "It is something that I absolutely cannot accept." 
 
(2) Marine survey around Takeshima: ROK willing to pursue 
diplomatic solution, may shelve its planned proposal for 
topographical names in Korean language 
 
YOMIURI (Page 1) (Excerpts) 
April 21, 2006 
 
 
TOKYO 00002196  002 OF 012 
 
 
By Shinichi Hirano, Seoul 
 
Japan and South Korea are now in a standoff over Japan's planned 
marine survey around Takeshima (Dokdo). On this standoff, South 
Korean First Vice Foreign Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade 
Yu Myong Hwang this morning indicated his strong willingness to 
pursue a diplomatic solution via talks with Japanese Vice Foreign 
Minister Shotaro Yachi, who will be arriving in Seoul this 
afternoon. Yu said: "I think we need to look for ways to resolve 
it, perhaps because the other side, as well, does not hope to see 
a physical clash occur." Yu was making these remarks before some 
reporters, including those from Yonhap News. 
 
In addition, Yu reiterated, "(Japan's) cancellation of its survey 
plan will be the starting point for both sides to pursue a 
diplomatic solution." At the same time, Yu stated, "We have never 
announced that we will make a proposal (on Korean names of 
undersea topographic features) at an international conference 
slated for June. Japan appears to have overreacted." He hinted 
that South Korea might refrain from proposing Korean names at a 
subcommittee on undersea location names that will be held in June 
under the sponsorship of the International Hydrographic 
Organization (IHO) and other organizations if Japan were to 
abandon its planned maritime survey. "(If a clash took place), 
South Korea, as well as Japan, would suffer greatly," Yu noted, 
stressing that his country was of the opinion that pursuing a 
diplomatic solution would benefit both Japan and South Korea. 
 
(3) Vice Foreign Minister Yachi will arrive in Seoul this 
afternoon and hold talks with ROK officials 
 
YOMIURI (Page 1) (Excerpts) 
April 21, 2006 
 
In dealing with South Korea's opposition to Japan's planned 
marine survey around Takeshima, Japanese Vice Foreign Minister 
Shotaro Yachi will arrive in South Korea this afternoon and meet 
with South Korean officials, including Vice Foreign Minister for 
Foreign Affairs and Trade Yu Myong Hwan. Yachi will again convey 
to South Korea Japan's intention to abandon the planned survey if 
South Korea shelves its plan to propose changing undersea 
location names to Korean names at an international conference on 
sea floor topography that will take place in Germany in June. 
South Korea is urging Japan to immediately withdraw its marine 
survey plan, but at the same time, it has indicated that it is 
not fixated on the idea of making a proposal on undersea 
topographic names at an international conference slated for June. 
Whether two countries can find a point of compromise is drawing 
attention. 
 
(4) Scope column - Reasons for intensified dispute over Takeshima 
(Dokdo): Japan can't overlook South Korea's defacto control, 
while ROK regards it as part of history issue 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
April 21, 2006 
 
By Ryuji Watanabe 
 
Last-minute negotiations are continuing between the Japanese and 
South Korean governments over Japan's planned marine survey 
around the Takeshima (Dokdo) islets. Why has the row between the 
two countries intensified this far? We probed into the 
 
TOKYO 00002196  003 OF 012 
 
 
circumstances surrounding both countries. 
 
Japan: Interference in survey would be violation of international 
law 
 
By Ryuji Watanabe 
 
The Japanese government has maintained its position of "quietly 
continuing preparations" for a marine survey. Japan thinks that 
if it gives up on its plan for the survey, it will be seen by the 
rest of the world as giving silent approval to South Korea's 
defacto control of Takeshima and also be lambasted at home for 
its being weak-kneed. 
 
Sensing the move of South Korea to propose Korean names for 
undersea features at an international conference on sea floor 
topography slated for late June, Japan made a plan for maritime 
research. Japan thought that if it did not to present its own 
proposal on names of undersea features based on a survey, "Korean 
names would be adopted and registered, which the Japanese public 
would not accept," said the same senior Foreign Ministry 
official. 
 
Takeshima has been under South Korea's defacto control since 
¶1954. If undersea names were all described in Korean, Japan would 
find itself in a weaker position internationally in terms of the 
territorial dispute with South Korea over Takeshima. The 
government therefore cannot back down from its plan. 
 
According to an official at the Prime Minister's Official 
Residence, Tokyo's firm attitude comes from an analysis that 
"South Korea rather would violate international law." 
 
The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea regards 
government-owned ships as public ships and grants them the right 
not to be captured and not to be searched, wherever they may be 
in the sea. If South Korea interferes in Japan's survey, Tokyo 
can claim such an act to be a violation of international law. 
Even if Japan cannot conduct a survey, Japan can appeal to the 
conference and say that South Korea illegally interfered with 
Japan's plan. This assertion could help prevent Korean names from 
being adopted. 
 
In addition, if the Takeshima issue draws more international 
attention, Japan would have more chance to appeal to the rest of 
the world on how unjust it is for South Korea to have put 
Takeshima under its defacto control. The government has 
emphasized that "we will continue dialogue," according to Chief 
Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe, but there is not much time left 
before the international conference begins. 
 
South Korea expresses displeasure, regards survey plan as 
justification of past war of aggression 
 
By Kiyoshi Nakamura, Seoul 
 
"Some Japanese claim an area Japan occupied during its past 
unjust war of aggression," said South Korean President Roh Moo 
Hyun at a meeting yesterday in Seoul, revealing displeasure 
toward Japan, which insists on its sovereignty over Takeshima and 
the legitimacy of its planned marine survey around it. 
 
Japan put Takeshima in Shimane Prefecture in 1905, which 
 
TOKYO 00002196  004 OF 012 
 
 
coincided with the year the (Second) Japan-Korea Agreement was 
concluded between the two countries. The agreement marked the 
beginning of the colonization of Korea. Because of this 
coincidence, many in South Korea still view the Takeshima issue 
as Japan's first step toward invasion. 
 
Given these national sentiments, the Roh administration has 
declared that "Japan's planned maritime survey, as well as visits 
to Yasukuni Shrine and controversial history school textbooks, 
are acts justifying its history of aggression." Seoul has made 
crystal clear its hard-line position against Japan, reflecting 
its understanding that the marine survey is not merely a 
territorial issue but is rather linked to historical perceptions. 
 
Ahead of Japan's planned survey, South Korea's National 
Oceanographic Research Institute conducted a detailed survey of 
underwater topography around Takeshima from last April through 
last November and named five underwater mountains after 
historical persons connected with the islands, such as An Yong 
Bok, a fisherman who lived in the 17th century during the Joseon 
Dynasty (1392-1910) and was respected as a hero who made Japan 
recognize Dokdo as Korean territory. 
 
Officials of the research institute unveiled Korean geographical 
names last November and stated: "We will do all we can to help 
these names become widely used in charts across the world." 
 
The South Korean government has stationed guards on Takeshima on 
a regular basis and kept it under its defacto control. In 
addition, it aims to gain international recognition of its 
sovereignty over Takeshima and the waters surrounding it by 
making a proposal to change the current undersea topographical 
names to Korean names at an upcoming international conference on 
undersea topography, thus getting Korean names registered. 
 
(5) Japan, US, China should hold talks: Campbell 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 3) (Full) 
April 21, 2006 
 
Kurt Campbell, senior vice president of the Center for Strategic 
and International Studies (CSIS), a US think-tank, wrote for the 
Nihon Keizai Shimbun on the occasion of the US-China summit talks 
that took place yesterday. In his essay, Campbell suggested the 
need for the United States to initiate trilateral foreign 
ministerial talks involving Japan and China to improve their 
bilateral relations. His contribution is outlined as follows: 
 
A number of events that have occurred between Japan and China 
over the past year have caused their bilateral relations to cool 
rapidly. Those events included Japanese political leaders' 
repeated visits to Yasukuni Shrine, Japan's review of its 
official development assistance (ODA) to China, anti-Japanese 
demonstrations in China, Japanese school textbooks, and military 
tensions growing over a disputed archipelago of islets to which 
both countries are claiming territorial rights... 
 
Japan and China are now going from bad to worse in their 
relations. This situation is also precarious for the US in terms 
of its Asia policy. If the two economic powers, Japan and China, 
hurt their bilateral trade and investment, economic growth in 
Asia would seriously slow down. In addition, its negative impact 
would hit the United States like a tsunami. 
 
TOKYO 00002196  005 OF 012 
 
 
 
From the perspective of security, there is no denying that a 
further escalation of tensions between Japan and China could 
develop into a skirmish over their territorial claims to the 
Senkaku islets. In that event, the United States would be driven 
into a very difficult position. Some experts say Japan and China 
can avoid a potential crisis, with their deep economic ties in 
mind. However, an unintended explosion could well occur should 
their political backlashes grow stronger against each other. 
 
The so-called Yasukuni problem has caused serious damage to the 
Asia policy that Japan had cultivated over the six postwar 
decades. It will be in the interests of the United States to see 
Japan face up to its past and settle it in a sincere manner. The 
United States must extend a helping hand to its closest ally in 
order for that ally to improve its relations with its 
neighbors-even though it may risk running against the 
sensibilities of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, one of 
President Bush's friends, and other Japanese political leaders. 
 
This time around, the United States should go ahead to carry out 
a high-level political dialogue of Japan, the United States, and 
China for a free exchange of views. It is desirable to hold a 
trilateral foreign ministerial meeting this fall under the United 
States' initiative. They should hold broad discussions there, 
including not only China's military expansion, Yasukuni, and 
Taiwan but also Iran's nuclear program. 
 
Japan, the United States, and China share major interests in 
terms of energy, counterterrorism, Korean Peninsula 
denuclearization, peaceful solutions to territorial rows, and 
sustainable economic growth. It's important to shape "Asia's 
century," and the three countries must recognize it. Whether the 
three countries can pave the way to trilateral talks is 
absolutely up to the United States. 
 
Without this, trust and dialogue in Northeast Asia will wane 
further. The countries will only hurt each other, and it will be 
none other than Japan and the United States that will be most 
seriously hurt in that process. 
 
(6) Japan-US beef talks: Inspection of processing facilities 
remain up in the air; Standoff continues over inspection 
checklist 
 
NIHON NOGYO SHIMBUN (JAPAN AGRICULTURAL NEWS) (Top play) (Full) 
April 21, 2006 
 
It was learned yesterday that coordination between Japan and the 
US on an inspection checklist in connection with the US 
Department of Agriculture's (USDA) re-inspection of processing 
facilities for meat exports to Japan, as agreed in the meeting of 
experts from Japan and the US in late March, is taking a long 
time, and so far, nothing has happened even though three weeks 
have passed. The exchanges of opinions with Japanese consumers, 
another main element in the agreement, will end next week on 
April 24. I appears therefore that the reason for US Ambassador 
to Japan Schieffer's strong call for an early resumption of US 
beef imports may lie in US unhappiness about the slow pace of the 
coordination. 
 
USDA has explained that the case of the company that exported 
beef to Japan with vertical columns -- a risk material, thus 
 
TOKYO 00002196  006 OF 012 
 
 
violating the anti-BSE export criteria set up for Japan -- was 
"unique." It took the position that the other facilities were 
problem free, but in response to Japan's request, the US agreed 
at the experts' meeting to re-inspect all of the plants that 
export to Japan. 
 
After the meeting at a press conference, Acting Under Secretary 
of Agriculture Lambert stated: "We will present the checklist for 
inspections of processing plants to the Japanese government on 
(April) 3.  The re-inspections will be completed in about two 
weeks." He revealed his outlook of the possibility of moving to 
the next step in resuming imports. 
 
However, it has now been three weeks since the experts meeting, 
and it has still not been decided what to re-inspect at the 
processing facilities. A senior official at the Agricultural 
Ministry said: "Coordination is going on at the working level of 
both governments. Although it is not bogged down, it is true that 
it is taking more time than expected." "The Japanese side is 
asking for additions to the draft inspection checklist the US has 
presented, " explained a senior official at the Ministry of 
Health and Labor. 
 
Although it is not clear what the specific points of dispute are, 
it appears that the American officials are balking at the 
Japanese request for a detailed inspection that would go back to 
the exports to Japan at the end of last year. The Japanese 
government is seeking measures to prevent a reoccurrence that 
would thoroughly convince the Diet, Japanese consumers, and 
others, but, according to the same official, "The US insists that 
'there is no problem with the other facilities,' and will not 
budge on the issue of confirming their safety." 
 
However, both Japan and the US want to avoid prolonging the 
coordination any longer. A senior Agricultural Ministry official 
said: "It is possible for the re-inspections to occur without 
agreement on all of the checklist. (The parts lacking) could be 
inspected by the Japanese team when they go to do their 
inspections." The official thought an agreement on the inspection 
checklist possible soon. On April 20th, in response to a question 
from this newspaper, US Embassy replied: "We are in the midst of 
discussions regarding the reopening of trade. They include the 
inspection checklist. The talks could take time." 
 
Based on the experts meeting, the ministries of agriculture and 
health until April 24 have been holding meetings in 10 places 
across the country with consumers and other groups to exchange 
views. Officials have been briefing the assemblies on the cause 
of the risk material having been mixed into a beef shipment, as 
well as on the contents of the talks with the US. The ministries 
aim to boil down the specific conditions for resuming imports, 
bearing in mind the requests of the people attending these 
forums. 
 
In the meetings, strong consumer distrust of the Japanese and US 
governments has emerged in one place after the other, such as, 
"This was proof that the reopening was not fully deliberated" 
(Osaka), and, "Why didn't Japanese inspectors go to the local 
sites when imports were resumed? (Sendai)" In Naha, one person 
said, "The violation was not an isolated incident; it revealed a 
structural problem," indicating a view that sought a basic 
overhaul of the conditions. Other requests called for a 
toughening of anti-BSE countermeasures, such as strict age 
 
TOKYO 00002196  007 OF 012 
 
 
confirmation similar to Japan's system, and tighter restrictions 
of feed. There are many challenges to overcome before consumer 
confidence can be recovered. 
 
(7) Koizumi kaleidoscopic in Diet remarks over 34 years: Tokyo 
University-Asahi Shimbun joint study 
 
ASAHI (Page 2) (Full) 
April 19, 2006 
 
What has Prime Minister Koizumi-ever since his first election to 
the Diet in 1972-talked about in the Diet? The Asahi Shimbun and 
the University of Tokyo conducted a joint search and analysis of 
his parliamentary statements. The joint study found him 
consistent in making much of "self-help efforts" in his wording 
of economic agenda. He was also found to have broken away from 
his one-time negative stance and turned around to a positive one 
toward sending Self-Defense Forces personnel overseas since 
becoming prime minister. The survey also portrayed him as an ever- 
changing pragmatist when it comes to diplomatic issues and 
security affairs or the nation's election system. 
 
Ever-changing: "Japan-US alliance," "Yasukuni" increasingly 
mentioned 
 
"The importance of the Japan-US alliance remains unchanged." On 
April 10, Prime Minister Koizumi used the phrase "Japan-US 
alliance" three times to reporters after the government and the 
city of Nago in Okinawa Prefecture reached an agreement on a 
remodified plan to relocate the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air 
Station to a coastal area of Camp Schwab in the city. 
 
The 9/11 terrorist attacks, the deployment of SDF personnel to 
Iraq, and the realignment of US forces in Japan-Koizumi has 
looked for opportunities to play up the importance of the "Japan- 
US alliance" in his words over the past five years. He has used 
the phrase "Japan-US alliance" at least 254 times in his Diet 
replies through the end of March this year since coming into 
office. 
 
However, Koizumi had never used the phrase "Japan-US alliance" in 
his parliamentary remarks before coming into office as prime 
minister. He touched on bilateral security arrangements between 
Japan and the United States in an October 1985 meeting of the 
House of Representatives Budget Committee. At the time, Koizumi 
stated before the committee: "There's the Japan-US Security 
Treaty as a complementary measure above the SDF. With this, there 
is plenty of military power in Japan." He saw the security pact 
as something that complements the SDF. 
 
Koizumi referred to "Japan-US friendship" in his inaugural press 
remarks after becoming prime minister. In his Diet policy speech 
delivered 10 days later, Koizumi used the words "Japan-US 
alliance" for the first time. One of his aides noted, "He was 
little aware of diplomacy, so he mixed up alliance and 
friendship." 
 
Koizumi used to be negative about the SDF's international 
contributions. However, his remarks later became positive. 
 
"Some people are pushing ahead (with the overseas dispatch of SDF 
members for peacekeeping operations) while saying they should 
take this kind of danger for granted. That's too cruel to SDF 
 
TOKYO 00002196  008 OF 012 
 
 
members." Koizumi made this remark in 1993, when he was posts and 
telecommunications minister, about the slaying of a Japanese 
civilian police officer sent to Cambodia on a PKO mission. He 
also stated, "Japan cannot carry out international contributions 
like Europe and America. We should be aware that there's a 
limit." 
 
Some 10 years later, Koizumi sent SDF members to an Iraq in 
turmoil. "We can't say it's absolutely safe," he said. "Japan 
will assist with Iraq's nation rebuilding efforts as a 
responsible member of the international community," he stated in 
a plenary sitting of the House of Representatives in January this 
year. 
 
In his Diet remarks, Koizumi used the word "SDF" 28 times before 
becoming prime minister and 2,429 times after becoming prime 
minister. This shows that there was a rapid increase in the 
number of opportunities to address diplomatic and security 
issues. 
 
In the meantime, Koizumi did not refer to "Yasukuni Shrine" at 
all before coming into office but 279 times after becoming prime 
minister. "I don't know why I am to blame in foreign countries 
for my paying homage to the war dead at Yasukuni Shrine." 
 
Unwavering: "Self-help efforts," "private-sector vitality" 
weighed 
 
"I don't think in particular that it's bad to see a disparity." 
This statement came from Koizumi in his parliamentary reply 
before the House of Councillors Budget Committee in its meeting 
held in February this year. He was replying to a question that 
ascribed the widening of regional disparities in the nation to 
his restructuring drive. 
 
"The spirit of self-help efforts and self-sustainability." "A 
society that rewards efforts." Koizumi reiterated these phrases 
in Diet debates over a social divide. He has been a consistent 
believer in liberalism since his first election to the Diet. 
 
In April 1973, when Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka and his cabinet 
were in office, Koizumi took the floor to interpellate in a 
meeting of the House of Representatives Finance Committee. "I 
wonder if the Finance Ministry will not think of ferreting out 
the entire tax scheme in the near future for an indirect tax like 
a specific consumption tax." With this, Koizumi urged the 
government to introduce a general consumption tax. 
 
In those days, there were critical views about the notion of 
introducing a general consumption tax, which was said to be 
disadvantageous for people in the lower-income brackets and to 
smaller businesses. Touching on such criticism, Koizumi asserted: 
"There's no need to be concerned about whether it's going to be 
regressive." 
 
In a debate over the income tax rates as well, Koizumi proposed 
easing the rates of progressive taxation in a June 1990 meeting 
of the House of Representatives Special Committee on Taxation. He 
argued: "A tax rate in excess of 50% is closer to being a 
punishment than a tax. It's not necessarily desirable when we 
think about the healthy morale of workers, the spirit of people's 
self-help efforts, and economic vitality." 
 
 
TOKYO 00002196  009 OF 012 
 
 
In his political career, Koizumi once served in the post of 
parliamentary vice finance minister at the Ministry of Finance. 
He later presided over the LDP's finance division under its 
policy board and chaired the House of Representatives Budget 
Committee in the Diet. He walked the course of finance, and this 
led him to belt-tightening fiscal policy. He also appears to 
value corporate vitality over income redistribution. 
 
"Whatever the private sector can do should be left to the private 
sector." This is Koizumi's pet phrase, which first came out in 
January 1993 shortly after he became posts and telecommunications 
minister for the cabinet of Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa. 
Koizumi stated before the House of Representatives Communications 
Committee: "The government should pull out of what the private 
sector can do, which would be better to stimulate the private 
sector's vitality." 
 
In those days, the minister of posts and telecommunications was 
in charge of overseeing state-run postal services. However, 
Koizumi developed his advocacy of privatizing the postal services 
in that Diet committee. "If it's possible to privatize postal 
services, it's all right in my opinion to consider doing so," he 
stated before the committee. He was a dyed-in-the-wool advocate 
of postal privatization. 
 
Koizumi once opposed to single-seat constituency system, later 
won over unaffiliated voters in single-seat electoral districts 
 
"I wonder if we really don't have to privatize postal services. 
I'd like to ask the people about this." In last year's general 
election for the House of Representatives, Koizumi led the LDP to 
an overwhelming victory, with a campaigning strategy that focused 
on his postal privatization initiative in the face of opposition 
from the nation's lobbies of postmasters who used to stand behind 
the LDP. Koizumi 
 
"When I was a first- and second-term member of the Diet, the LDP 
was the favorite party among those who had no party to support. 
But the LDP now ranks last among those unaffiliated voters." In 
May 2001, shortly after becoming prime minister, Koizumi made 
this remark before the House of Representatives Budget Committee. 
He went on: "We receive petitions from people representing their 
organizations that support our party. We used to think too much 
of those people, so our eyes couldn't see an overwhelmingly large 
number of people who are not our party's supporters." 
 
"There are various organizations that support me, but I won't act 
in their interests alone." This remark is from Koizumi's Diet 
reply in a February 1993 meeting of the House of Representatives 
Communications Committee. He has kept to that stance. 
 
Koizumi also remarked in a March 1980 meeting of the House of 
Representatives Finance Committee: "The LDP wants to get support 
from as many people as possible in all brackets. Even though they 
support opposition parties, we'll have to make efforts for their 
understanding." 
 
Koizumi, meanwhile, wavered over the single-seat constituency 
system. He was positive about it in a May 1976 meeting of the 
House of Representatives Special Committee on Election Laws, 
stating: "There's an argument calling for proportional 
representation in addition to the single-seat constituency 
system. It's worth considering. It's a very good argument we 
 
TOKYO 00002196  010 OF 012 
 
 
should listen to." In a February 1998 meeting of the House of 
Representatives Budget Committee, however, he was negative: 
"Those who advocated introducing the single-seat constituency 
system said there would be no legacy candidates under this 
election system. But I don't think that way, so I opposed such a 
system." 
 
Ichiro Ozawa, president of the leading opposition Democratic 
Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto), tried to introduce the single- 
seat constituency system when he was LDP secretary general. In 
those days, Koizumi was with a non-mainstream faction in the LDP 
and was against it. This presumably made him change his mind. 
 
However, the LDP won a landslide victory in last year's general 
election under the single-seat constituency system. "I was 
against this system, but I'm also a realist who must think of how 
to win," Koizumi stated before the House of Representatives 
Budget Committee in its September 2005 meeting. This remark 
proves him prone to play it by ear. 
 
Study methodology: Prime Minister Koizumi's statements in his 
parliamentary interpellations and replies were culled from the 
official record of the proceedings of the Diet between December 
1972, when he was first elected to the Diet, and March 31, 2006. 
His Diet remarks were classified with some keywords for specific 
themes, including foreign relations, security affairs, and 
domestic politico-economic policies, to follow up changes in his 
philosophy and wording. 
 
(8) Study of Sadakazu Tanigaki, post-Koizumi contender: Has good 
sense of balance and does not make enemies 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Slightly abridged) 
April 20, 2006 
 
Sadakazu Tanigaki has built a network of contacts in political 
circles based on his experience of having served in the Diet 
Affairs Committee of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the 
House of Representatives Steering Committee. In looking back on 
his career, he said: "In politics, obligations to others and 
human relationships are key. Serving in the Lower House Steering 
Committee was exciting." 
 
Kaoru Yosano, senior to Tanigaki by six years at Azabu High 
School, promoted Tanigaki to higher positions in the LDP's Diet 
Affairs Committee and the Lower House Steering Committee. Yosano, 
as chief director of the Steering Committee in 1991, highly 
appreciated the efforts by Tanigaki, who was a committee 
director. When he became committee chairman in 1993, he named 
Tanigaki as chief director. Then, having difficulties in handling 
a no-confidence motion against the cabinet of Prime Minister 
Kiichi Miyazawa in 1993, Yosano ordered Tanigaki, who was in his 
office, "I want you to go to the executive room to ask whether 
the committee can take a vote." 
 
Tanigaki later conveyed to Yosano the party leadership's final 
decision that a vote on the motion should be taken. Yosano at 
that point decided to put it to the vote. As a result, the LDP 
broke up and fell into the opposition camp. 
 
In a LDP board meeting on the housing loan issue in 1996, LDP 
Public Relations Headquarters Chairman Shizuka Kamei shouted at 
Steering Committee Chairman Tanigaki, "Quit your post!" At the 
 
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time, the Diet was thrown into chaos because Shinshinto (New 
Frontier Party) formed a picket at the Diet in opposition to the 
ruling party's handling of a housing-loan issue. Although the 
dominant view in the LDP was that the party should call on Lower 
House Speaker Takako Doi to forcibly have the picket removed, 
Tanigaki did not take action. He was able to gain credibility for 
his fair Diet management, but at the same time, some LDP members 
expressed their unhappiness with his efforts. 
 
Even so, Yosano has continued to highly appreciate Tanigaki. 
Since he became the minister in charge of economic and fiscal 
policy last October, their cooperation is noticeable in such 
areas as reform of the revenue and expenditure systems. 
 
Outside the political world, Tanigaki has a personal network 
called "Maryuu kai" composed of graduates from Azabu Junior High 
School and Azabu High School. He meets regularly with Takeo 
Hiranuma, his senior, Yuya Niwa, a classmate, and Shoichi 
Nakagawa, his junior. 
 
Tanigaki is not a person who is eager to build new personal 
connections. He holds in principle no more than one meeting at 
night. He returns home early. He is one of a few politicians who 
do not attend many meetings of politicians and supporters. He 
prefers having discussions while drinking wine rather than 
holding secret meetings at exclusive Japanese restaurants. 
 
Many of his acquaintances in economic circles are former 
classmates. Tanigaki and NTT Do Co Mo President Masao Nakamura 
have been friends since they belonged to Tokyo University's ski 
and climbing club. He has regularly exchanged views with Kansai 
Economic Federation Chairman Yoshihisa Akiyama and other business 
leaders in the Kansai area to make their views to his fiscal 
management. 
 
Kyoto Chamber of Commerce and Industry Chairman Junichi Murata 
commented on Tanigaki: "He is modest and gentle. I know that he 
always wants to work for the people." 
 
One veteran lawmaker pointed out: "He has a good sense of 
balance, but he has few strong supporters from political and 
economic circles." 
 
Main personal connections 
 
(Political circles) 
 
Cabinet members: 
Kaoru Yosano, minister in charge of economic and fiscal policy 
Jiro Kawasaki, minister of health, labor and welfare 
 
Azabu Junior High, Azabu High: 
Takeo Hiranuma, former minister for economic, trade and industry 
Yuya Niwa, former minister for health, labor and welfare 
Shunichi Suzuki, former environment minister 
 
Cuisine and wine: 
Bunmei Ibuki, chairman of the Ibuki faction 
 
(Business circles) 
 
Masao Nakamura, NTT Do Co Mo president 
Yoshihisa Akiyama, Kansai Economic Federation chairman 
 
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Junichi Tamura, Kyoto Chamber of Commerce and Industry chairman 
 
(Cultural figures) 
 
So Kuramoto, writer 
Saburo Kawamoto, commentator 
Hiroko Kokubu, jazz pianist 
 
DONOVAN