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Viewing cable 06TOKYO1953, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/10/06

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
06TOKYO1953 2006-04-11 08:10 2011-08-26 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO8941
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #1953/01 1010810
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 110810Z APR 06
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0796
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/COMUSJAPAN YOKOTA AB JA//J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/COMPATWING ONE KAMI SEYA JA
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 8262
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 5627
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 8804
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 5624
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 6810
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1654
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 7828
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 9735
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 TOKYO 001953 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST 
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS 
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/10/06 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Editorial: Agreed plan for Futenma relocation not a 
fundamental solution; Danger still left behind 
 
(2) Editorial: Listen to Okinawa residents' views on Futenma 
relocation issue 
 
(3) Editorial - Futenma relocation: Okinawa still left in anguish 
 
(4) Editorial: Difficult road ahead for Ozawa-led Minshuto 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Editorial: Agreed plan for Futenma relocation not a 
fundamental solution; Danger still left behind 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 5) (Full) 
April 8, 2006 
 
The city of Nago (in Okinawa Prefecture) and the government have 
now concurred on a remodified plan to build an alternative 
facility in the city's coastal area to take over the heliport 
functions of the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station. Nago and 
Tokyo were wide apart in their respective stances over Futenma 
relocation, with the city insisting on variations to the previous 
offshore heliport installation plan and the government prevailing 
on the city to accept some minor changes to the current coastal 
relocation plan. However, the two sides have bridged the gulf 
with a government proposal to lay down a V-shaped pair of 
airstrips on the newly planned airfield for Futenma. The mayor of 
Nago City will account for the agreed plan to the city's 
population and ask for their understanding when he returns from 
Tokyo. 
 
The Futenma relocation issue has now entered a new phase with the 
concurrence between Nago and Tokyo. However, there is still 
something unconvincing to us. That is because we cannot but feel 
that the Nago mayor, in the end, was trapped by the government's 
tactic of trivializing its talks with the mayor into bargaining 
intended to qualify the plan with some slim modifications to 
build the Futenma alternative in a coastal area of Camp Schwab 
across the cape of Henoko in Nago. 
 
In its talks with Nago, the government made a proposal to build 
two runways. This overture was the kiss of life for Tokyo. Nago 
called for the government to avoid setting up the flight paths of 
US warplanes over the city's local community areas of Henoko, 
Toyohara, and Abu. It will now be possible to do so with two 
airstrips to be laid down in a V-shape. US warplanes are supposed 
to use the two tarmacs in their landing approach and takeoff 
roll, depending on the wind direction. Indeed, this would help 
avoid flying over the city's residential areas. However, their 
flight paths close in on the coastline near the community of 
Matsuda. The flight paths set for US military aircraft are off 
the city's populated areas but close to its coastal land areas 
near the area of Abu. 
 
In many cases, aircraft trouble is unpredictable. We therefore 
cannot say the city's local communities are completely free from 
danger. Whatever steps the government may take, local residents 
will have to constantly shoulder the risk of aircraft accidents 
if a military base is contiguous to their communities. We assume 
 
TOKYO 00001953  002 OF 007 
 
 
that the Nago mayor reached the agreement with an understanding 
of such a risk. The mayor, as well as the government that has 
pushed for the relocation plan, will therefore have to be 
prepared to be liable in part for any accident should it occur. 
 
At first, Nago insisted on substantial changes to the 
government's coastal relocation plan. In October last year, Japan 
and the United States agreed to build a Futenma replacement 
facility in a coastal area of Camp Schwab. However, Nago called 
for it to be moved to an offshore site more than 400 meters away 
from that coastal location. For one thing, the mayor was 
concerned about safety. For another, he considered noise 
pollution. When it comes to safety, the mayor may think he can 
now clear the problem by changing the direction of the planned 
airstrips. However, the question is what to do about noise 
pollution. In addition, environmental preservation has now become 
a matter of major concern with the Henoko offing airstrip 
installation plan in place. We wonder if the mayor can resolve 
this problem. 
 
Furthermore, Okinawa Prefecture's Governor Inamine has clarified 
that the Okinawa prefectural government will continue to uphold 
its stance even after the agreement this time. 
 
In November 1999, Inamine, who became governor in 1998, 
designated an area in waters off the coast of Henoko in the city 
of Nago for Futenma relocation. In those days, the governor, for 
his acceptance of Futenma relocation to Nago, made it a 
precondition to build a dual-purpose airport for joint military 
and civilian use and to set a 15-year time limit on the US 
military's use of that sea-based facility in order to prevent it 
from becoming permanent. Based on those preconditions, Okinawa 
Prefecture worked out a basic plan together with Tokyo and Nago 
for the construction of a dual-use airport. Can we take it that 
these two preconditions have now been completely scrapped with 
the agreement reached this time on the government's remodified 
plan? 
 
If they answer that question in the affirmative, it then means 
that Nago will lose the powerful brake that could prevent the 
base from becoming permanent. The agreement signed yesterday also 
has no mention of limits. We wonder if the residents of Nago 
City, neighboring municipalities, and Okinawa Prefecture will 
accept the construction of an additional permanent base. 
 
This time around, we must not forget that the greater part of 
Okinawa Prefecture's population wants Futenma airfield to be 
moved out of Okinawa Prefecture or Japan. 
 
The government has replaced the Henoko offshore installation plan 
with the coastal relocation plan. Tokyo and Nago played a tug of 
war over modifications to the proposed coastal relocation plan. 
As a result, relocation to the Henoko area was feasible. It was a 
categorical imperative for talks between Tokyo and Nago on 
everything. 
 
The matter of primary concern to us should be what to do about US 
military bases in Okinawa and how to get rid of danger deriving 
from their presence. 
 
As Ginowan Mayor Yoichi Iha has also noted, the relocation of 
Futenma airfield to Henoko's coastal area only transplants the 
Futenma problem to this island prefecture's northern part. US 
 
TOKYO 00001953  003 OF 007 
 
 
warplanes may avoid flying over residential areas. Even so, 
danger will encroach on local communities around the relocation 
site. This, at least, is an indisputable fact. 
 
We also wonder if the government has seriously considered the 
option of moving Futenma airfield out of Okinawa Prefecture or 
otherwise out of Japan. This time, the government was tenacious 
in its talks with Nago City. We wonder if the government could 
not show such a tenacious stance (to the US) toward relocating 
Futenma airfield to a site outside Okinawa Prefecture or Japan. 
 
People living in the Henoko area may take it for granted that the 
government has chosen to risk their lives while waving pork- 
barrel largesse and other tasty carrots at them. This cannot be 
convincing to them no matter how much the government emphasizes 
that the choice is for the sake of Japan's national defense. 
 
The Futenma replacement facility, should it be built in 
accordance with the agreement, will be permanent through future 
generations. Is that really all right? We want to raise this 
question once again. 
 
(2) Editorial: Listen to Okinawa residents' views on Futenma 
relocation issue 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full) 
April 11, 2006 
 
The central government and the Nago municipal government have 
finally reached an agreement on relocating the US Marine Corps' 
Futenma Air Station. But Okinawa Governor Keiichi Inamine has 
opposed the agreed plan, probably reflecting public opinion in 
the prefecture. Taking his opposition seriously, the government 
should persistently continue discussion with the Okinawa 
government. 
 
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi said yesterday: "I would like to 
have a heart-to-heart talk with the governor in due course," 
revealing his willingness to try to persuade Inamine. However, 
the prime minister's lack of eagerness toward the Okinawa issue 
is one of the reasons for making Inamine distrustful of the 
government. Should the prime minister pokes his nose in the 
matter now, the situation might become more complicated. 
 
The modified plan agreed on between the central and Nago 
municipal governments on April 7 proposes constructing two 
runways in a V-shape to prevent US military aircraft from flying 
over residential areas by using one for landings and the other 
for takeoffs. The government worked out this measure in response 
to a call from Nago. 
 
Nonetheless, the agreement is just a product of compromise 
between the central government, which has no intention to accept 
any major changes, and the Nago government, which called for 
moving the newly planned runway to an offshore site 400 meters 
away from the coastal area. There are still problems, remaining 
to be resolved. 
 
First is the safety problem. Although the plan avoids setting up 
flight paths over residential areas, there are places where 
aircraft will buzz the ground. The government has yet to work out 
safety measures. There are also serious concerns about noise 
pollution. 
 
TOKYO 00001953  004 OF 007 
 
 
 
Another concern is about environmental problems. Giving 
consideration to environmental protection, the government 
proposed in its plan last fall minimizing the site of 
reclamation. Under the revised plan, though, severe environmental 
destructions could be caused due to an extensive reclamation site 
as a result of building an additional runway in a coastal area of 
Camp Schwab. In this sense, it might be quite natural for 
residents to react fiercely to the revised plan. 
 
Okinawa residents have been calling for a plan to move US 
military bases from Okinawa to somewhere in Japan or in other 
countries. The governor's opposition to the new plan reflects 
popular sentiments in the prefecture, rather than his wish to 
save his face. 
 
The central government must not make light of the governor's 
opposition. If it incorporates the Camp Schwab plan in a final 
report on US force realignment without obtaining understanding 
from local communities, the government will come under heavy fire 
again. 
 
Should the government decide to enact a law that would transfer 
authority on land reclamation from the prefectural governor to 
the central government on the pretext of the agreement between 
the central and Nago governments, Okinawa residents will 
undoubtedly explode with anger. In response, anti-base movements 
might break out in areas housing US military bases across the 
nation. 
 
It is an urgent task, though, to relocate the Futenma heliport 
functions surrounded by densely populated residential areas. 
Although 10 years have passed since Japan and the US agreed to 
relocate the airfield, the residents are still living in the face 
of the danger posed from low-altitude flights. 
 
Of the most importance is to ensure the safety of the residents. 
If a meeting between Prime Minister Koizumi and Governor Inamine 
is arranged, Koizumi should not take the stance of giving 
priority only to the Japan-US alliance, while Inamine also should 
not hold on to the conditions he attached when he accepted the 
initial Henoko plan. Both sides are expected to hold a heart-to- 
heart discussion in a cool-headed manner. 
 
(3) Editorial - Futenma relocation: Okinawa still left in anguish 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
April 9, 2006 
 
Nago City has accepted the central government's revision to the 
current (coastal) plan for relocating the US Marine Corps' 
Futenma Air Station to Cape Henoko of Nago City. 
 
Under the revised plan, two runways will be constructed in a V- 
shape, and they will be used for taking off and landing. The 
revised plan has some contrivances to meet Nago City's call not 
to allow US military aircraft to fly over residential areas. 
 
The central government intends to put the revision this time in a 
final report it will shortly present, but it is not safe to say 
that the relocation to Nago City will go smoothly. 
 
Okinawa Prefecture still remains opposed to the coastal plan. 
 
TOKYO 00001953  005 OF 007 
 
 
Following the agreement this time between Nago City and the 
central government, Gov. Keiichi Inamine met with Defense Agency 
(JDA) Director-General Nukaga. In the meeting, Inamine renewed 
his determination not to accept any other plan but the previous 
plan to relocate the airfield to a site off Henoko. 
 
As a relocation site for Futenma airfield, a site off Henoko was 
initially planned. However, opponents to the plan staged 
demonstrations at sea against construction work. Last year, the 
Japanese and US governments altered the plan and chose Cape 
Henoko as a new relocation site because the site is accessible by 
land. This change, however, will increase chances of residents 
being exposed to danger and the impact of noise pollution. 
 
For Inamine, the major difference between these two plans is that 
he accepted the offshore plan premised on limiting the US 
military's use of a new facility to 15 years and building it as 
an airport for joint military and civilian use. 
 
Afterwards, the Japanese and US governments agreed to relocate 
the airfield to Cape Henoko, ignoring such conditions. Inamine is 
therefore distrustful of both the Japanese and US governments, 
which decided on the relocation site, disregarding the 
prefecture's desire. 
 
The central government is well aware that the relocation process 
will not advance without the governor's consent. Even if an 
alternate facility is constructed on Cape Henoko, an area 
accessible by land, it would be unavoidable to reclaim land from 
the sea. Authorization on reclamation is held by the governor. 
 
At one point in the past, an idea was floated of enacting a law 
designed to deprive the governor of such an authorization. But if 
that were to be done, it would only fuel the flame of objections 
from the Okinawa prefectural government and its people to the 
central government. 
 
If the central government were to be serious about relocating 
Futenma airfield, it should strive to dispel Inamine's sense of 
distrust. His sentiments are presumably shared among most people 
of the prefecture. 
 
A joint poll conducted last fall by the Asahi Shimbun and the 
Okinawa Times showed that 72% of the respondents were opposed to 
the relocation of the Futenma base to Cape Henoko. Of the 
opponents, 84% hoped the base would be relocated to the US 
mainland. 
 
More than 60 years have passed since the end of World War II, but 
because of the presence of the military facilities, there seems 
to be no end to accidents and incidents related to US military 
facilities in Okinawa Prefecture. With a vast expanse of land 
occupied by the US military in the prefecture, city planning does 
not go smoothly. The US military presence has obstructed moves to 
start up new businesses. Okinawa is described as being located in 
the midst of bases. The anti-base sentiments of residents in 
Okinawa are deep-seated in such a reality. 
 
Nonetheless, Nago City has accepted a plan for the construction 
of a new military facility that will be the first such facility 
since the reversion of Okinawa to Japan. Behind this move is the 
earnest desire of the prefectural people to transfer the 
dangerous Futenma airfield to somewhere as quickly as possible. 
 
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If the central government failed to pay attention to the anguish 
harbored by the Okinawa people, its attempt would only come to a 
deadlock. 
 
(4) Editorial: Difficult road ahead for Ozawa-led Minshuto 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) 
April 8, 2006 
 
Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) elected Ichiro Ozawa as its 
new leader in the election held yesterday. In the party, many 
members are allergic to Ozawa, but reflecting the missteps taken 
by former party head Seiji Maehara and other junior members in 
the leadership, the party charged the veteran lawmakers with the 
task of reconstructing his party. 
 
Ozawa said in a policy speech before voting: "We must continue to 
purse a two-party system and a change of government for the 
people." He indicated a determination to do his best to take the 
reins of government. However, it will not be easy for the 
opposition party to restore public confidence since it suffered a 
crushing defeat in the House of Representatives election last 
year and has lost public trust due to a fabricated e-mail 
scandal. 
 
The Ozawa Minshuto is urged to map out a strategy to play up its 
presence in the latter half of the current Diet session, which 
has been conducted under the lead of the ruling parties. A number 
of key bills are still on the agenda, including administrative 
reform promotion legislation and medical and healthcare system 
reform-related bills. It is only natural that the largest 
opposition grills the government and the ruling parties on these 
issues in the Diet, but it is undesirable for the new leadership 
to become a resistant opposition party, like the Japan Socialist 
Party (JSP) under the so-called 1955 political structure, in 
which the Liberal Democratic Party assumed political power and 
the JSP was in the perennial first opposition party. It should 
take over Maehara's stance of coming up with counterproposals. 
 
Many party members voted for Ozawa because he reportedly is a 
good election campaigning schemer. Although it is necessary to 
frequently canvass electoral districts and hold dialogues with 
voters, but only with such efforts, it will be difficult to win 
broad support, as Ozawa has said. Now that the LDP is about to 
broaden its support to attract unaffiliated or young voters, 
Minshuto needs to work out maneuvers to win back voters in urban 
areas, where Minshuto suffered crushing defeats in the House of 
Representatives election last year. The upcoming April 23 by- 
election in Chiba 7th District for a Lower House seat will be a 
decisive test to forecast the future of the Ozawa leadership. 
 
Ozawa split up Shinshinto (New Frontier Party) and Jiyuto 
(Liberal Party), so his image as a "destroyer" is haunting Ozawa. 
Some members in Minshuto criticize Ozawa's political style as 
dogmatic. In order also to erase such concerns, Ozawa needs to 
fulfill his accountability inside and outside the party. 
 
We expect Ozawa to attend party meetings regularly and to express 
his views before the press. From his remarks in a press 
conference held after his assumption of the party presidency, 
however, such enthusiasm was not detected. Ozawa should take the 
floor in the Diet to interpellate Prime Minister Junichiro 
 
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Koizumi. Dispatching messages is an indispensable qualification 
required of a political party leader. Ozawa has reiterated: "I 
also need to change myself." With our trust in his words, we 
expect him to change himself. 
 
If a political party elects its new leader, it is natural for all 
party members, whether they like the leader or not, to support 
that leader. But that is difficult for Minshuto, because the 
party is a hodge-podge group. Most lawmakers, excluding close 
aides, were uncooperative toward their leaders. Now Minshuto is 
at a critical stage, with difficulties lying ahead of the party. 
All party members must unite to overcome the crisis. 
 
SCHIEFFER