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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 001883 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST 
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS 
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/07/06 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Nomo the savior of the Major Leagues: US Ambassador 
Schieffer, ex-Texas Rangers president 
 
(2) US force realignment following a wild path (Part 4): Friction 
evident between uniformed and non-uniformed personnel in Defense 
Agency 
 
(3) US force realignment following a wild path (Part 5 - 
Conclusion): X-band radar in Japan may end up serving as 
"endorsement" of preemptive strike 
 
(4) Editorial: USFJ realignment talks making little progress 
 
(5) Editorial - Transfer of US troops in Japan: Highly costly 
"bill" for troop relocation 
 
(6) Who is benefiting from US beef embargo? 
 
(7) Death of John Carbaugh, behind-the-scenes mastermind in Japan- 
US relations 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Nomo the savior of the Major Leagues: US Ambassador 
Schieffer, ex-Texas Rangers president 
 
SHUKAN ASAHI (Page 156-157) (Full) 
April 14, 2006 
 
By Shannon Higgins 
 
On March 15, two days after the 'questionable call' in a recent 
US-hosted World Baseball Classic (WBC) game between Team Japan 
and Team USA, another Japan-vs.-USA ballgame was played at Tokyo 
Dome. It was a charity event in the name of bilateral friendship 
between the ruling Liberal Democratic Party's rookies and the 
American Embassy. The game ended in a 15-15 tie. This time 
around, however, it doesn't matter much... 
 
My target was US Ambassador to Japan J. Thomas Schieffer, 58, 
manager of the US Embassy team. This is my interview with the 
ambassador, who was in the dugout to coach his team during the 
interview. 
 
-- I know this game is to promote friendship. Even so, they're 
playing baseball at Tokyo Dome. That's great. 
 
Schieffer: "We normally make efforts to communicate with Diet 
members. But there were so many newcomers elected in last year's 
general election. I invited them to a luncheon at the embassy, 
and in that meeting, we enjoyed talking about baseball after a 
while. I said, `Then why don't we play a ballgame?' Anyway, 
baseball is the greatest sport in the world, and it's the best 
way to promote friendship. Well, probably because the embassy 
staff made too much of a to-do about it, they decided to hold 
this event at Tokyo Dome. But everyone looks happy, so they made 
the right decision. All we have to do now is hire American 
umpires, and then we can win handily." (Laughs) 
 
In fact, Ambassador Schieffer is one of the world's most 
prominent baseball nuts. In 1989, Schieffer bought the Texas 
 
TOKYO 00001883  002 OF 010 
 
 
Rangers, a Major League Baseball (MLB) team, with US President 
George W. Bush, a friend of his from the oil industry. Schieffer 
was a co-owner of the Rangers and manned its front office as 
president for about 10 years, and he led the team's golden age. 
 
Schieffer: "I had some very memorable days. I had the best time 
of my life during that decade. I was in charge of building 
Arlington Stadium. (Schieffer reportedly invested a total of 1.4 
million dollars in the ballpark project.) The ballpark was 
completed in 1994. Shortly thereafter, however, MLB players went 
on strike. I was shocked. The strike dealt an economic blow to 
me. But I, as a baseball lover, didn't know what to say, and I 
felt sad, like someone who had been jilted by a lover. . . . But 
in 1995, when play resumed, the savior showed up. It was Hideo 
Nomo. He was doing well over there. Nomo made the news something 
other than the strike. American baseball fans could again realize 
how great baseball is, I believe. Actually, Nomo pitched in the 
All-Star Game that year. That game was played in Arlington 
Stadium. I was moved. I thought there were still many great 
ballplayers in the world." 
 
-- Nomo went over to the States, where he paved the way for 
Japanese ballplayers to play in the Major Leagues. Now, are there 
any other Japanese ballplayers who have caught your eye? 
 
Schieffer: "Well, I'm also a baseball fan. Perhaps, all the teams 
want (Hideki) Matsui and Ichiro (Suzuki). If I were the owner of 
a team, I would do all I could to get them. But there are many 
other gifted ballplayers in Japan. I will withhold their names, 
though. (Laughs). Yeah, since I came to Japan, I've actually 
taken every opportunity to watch Japanese professional ballgames. 
It's interesting. I want them to go over to the Major Leagues. 
They would evolve as they play hard against the best ballplayers 
in the world. In the long run, that would lead to baseball's 
further development." 
 
Japanese ballplayers at a high level 
 
-- What are the characteristics of Japanese players in your eyes? 
 
Schieffer: "Their fundamentals are solid, and they have a high 
level of skill. Before today's game, I saw skills training for a 
baseball team of local boys. They were all good at holding the 
bat, and their swing was also good. We're now playing the game 
here with those young lawmakers today, and they're also good. 
Probably, they were blessed with good coaches when they were 
small. Well, generally speaking, Japanese ballplayers are not so 
big. Even so, they have power and speed, because they're good at 
using their body. But the most impressive thing to me is that 
Japanese ballplayers know how to create a big inning for their 
team by stringing together hits. That shows how smart they are. 
I'll say it again, their baseball is at a high level." 
 
-- Late last year, you talked with Mr. Shigeo Nagashima-who is 
well known as "Mister"-at your own earnest wish. Let me go back a 
little. You have such a love of baseball, but you sold the 
Rangers in 1998. What made you do so? 
 
Schieffer: "Well, when it comes to why I sold that ball club, 
that's based on my judgment purely as an investor. It was about 
time to sell. That's why. After that, until 1999, I remained as 
the ball club's president. But later, the time came for me to 
undertake a new business challenge and to go on to the next 
 
TOKYO 00001883  003 OF 010 
 
 
stage. I thought to myself that it was a chance to do so, and I 
resigned as the team's president." 
 
-- You later worked as a business consultant. In 2001, President 
Bush, who just came into office, appointed you to the post of 
ambassador to Australia. 
 
Schieffer: "Yeah. I was also surprised. But it was a good chance 
for me to serve my country, so I was pleased to accept the 
offer." 
 
-- And last year, you became ambassador to Japan. At first, when 
you arrived at your post here, some people felt uneasy about you. 
They said you were not an expert on Japan in particular, and they 
also said that you're a friend of President Bush. In addition, 
they said you're less experienced in the area of diplomacy and 
that you came from the private sector. 
 
Schieffer: "Well, few people knew about me, so they probably felt 
somewhat uneasy. But I'm not alien to the world of politics. I 
majored in political science in college and international 
relations in a postgraduate course. When I was younger, I ran 
from the Democratic Party and served as a Texas State 
representative for three terms. I also worked as a lawyer. So I'm 
not a layman when it comes to negotiations. (Laughs) Of course, I 
have no experience or career in Washington, but I've so far been 
tied to American politics in various ways." 
 
-- By the way, your brother is Mr. Bob Schieffer, the veteran 
political reporter and commentator for CBS, isn't he? But why do 
you think you were named for the post of envoy to Japan? 
 
Schieffer: "The president told me, 'I want to entrust someone 
whom I can directly talk with and rely on.' Japan is an important 
partner of the United States. He probably wanted unfiltered 
information, I guess." 
 
-- It's been almost one year since you became the US envoy here. 
Looking back over the past year, how do you feel now? 
 
Schieffer: "It's hard to be away from my family and friends. But 
I'm honored to be entrusted with the post of ambassador to a 
country to represent the United States' interests. I'm really 
enjoying myself." 
 
-- Finally, today's ballgame with the Japanese lawmakers has been 
a seesaw game. But what's the score in your own diplomatic arena? 
 
Schieffer: (Laughs) "Sometimes I win, sometimes I lose. (Laughs) 
Well, I'll continue to do my best and will continue to work to 
develop our two countries' bilateral relationship." 
 
On March 16, the day after this interview, the ambassador was in 
Niigata with Megumi Yokota's parents. This was also something he 
wanted to do after becoming ambassador. He was there to visit and 
see the place where she was abducted. 
 
(2) US force realignment following a wild path (Part 4): Friction 
evident between uniformed and non-uniformed personnel in Defense 
Agency 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 28) (Abridged) 
April 5, 2006 
 
TOKYO 00001883  004 OF 010 
 
 
 
On September 2, 2005, a data analysis building opened at the 
Maritime Self-Defense Force's Iwakuni base in Yamaguchi 
Prefecture. The four-story building to house a data analysis unit 
cost the government 600 million yen. 
 
The data analysis unit flies EP3 electronic-warfare aircraft and 
OP3 observation planes over the East China Sea and other areas to 
collect secret data, including electronic intelligence of China 
and North Korea. The data analysis system installed in the new 
building also went into full operation Sept. 2. 
 
Two months later, on October 29, the Japan-US Security 
Consultative Committee (2 plus 2) produced an interim report on 
the realignment of US forces in Japan. It was also decided to 
transfer the data analysis unit to the Atsugi base in Kanagawa 
Prefecture. A senior Defense Agency official commented on the 
data analysis building: "It will cost money to demolish the 
building. The Defense Agency will probably ask the US military if 
they want to use it." 
 
Moving to Atsugi are 17 planes and 2,000 MSDF personnel and their 
families. Their transfer would deal a blow to the economy of 
Iwakuni. In its March 12 plebiscite, Iwakuni rejected accepting 
carrier-borne jets now in Atsugi. Iwakuni also urged the Defense 
Agency to call off its plan to move the MSDF's analysis unit to 
Atsugi. 
 
Last December, a heated debate took place between "non-uniformed" 
internal bureaus and the "uniformed" Ground Staff Office over a 
central rapid response group. 
 
The GSDF had planned to construct a new building at Camp Asaka 
straddling Tokyo and Saitama for the rapid response group to be 
launched in March 2007 for the purpose of dealing with domestic 
and foreign disasters and international activities. But the 
interim report specified its transfer to Camp Zama along with the 
US Army 1st Corps. 
 
But a decision was eventually made to launch the rapid response 
group at Camp Asaka, as originally planned. Construction work 
will begin soon to build the group's headquarters at a cost of 
750 million yen. A senior Defense Agency official explained that 
once the group was transferred to Zama, the building at Camp 
Asaka would be used for other purposes. But a GSDF officer took 
this view: "Local residents are opposed to the relocation of the 
1st Corps, and we don't know when the rapid response group can 
move to Camp Zama." 
 
Some plans have been called off, although they had been included 
in the interim report. One of them was a plan to establish an 
infantry regiment at the US Army's Sagami Depot in Kanagawa. The 
plan vanished with the Ground Staff Office's statement, "We have 
no plan to set up a regiment in Kanagawa." 
 
Meanwhile, the Air Self-Defense Force has reportedly reaped 
benefits from the planned US force realignment. The interim 
report specified plans to relocate the ASDF Air Defense Command 
to Yokota Air Base and the joint use of Kadena Air Base, the 
ASDF's long-cherished dream. 
 
To the ASDF's surprise, however, the interim report also 
specified the Nyutabaru base in Miyazaki and Tsuiki base in 
 
TOKYO 00001883  005 OF 010 
 
 
Fukuoka as emergency airports for Futenma Air Station in Okinawa. 
An ASDF officer cast doubt about the emergency airport plan, 
saying: "The Tsuiki and Nyutabaru bases are small. In order to 
build US facilities there, we will have to buy up land, and that 
might meet stiff resistance from local residents." 
 
A decision was also made to split fighter training at Kadena Air 
Base among five ASDF bases. Okinawa residents, who have been 
suffering from aircraft noise, are hopeful that the step will 
help reduce the burden on their prefecture. But a senior ASDF 
officer predicted: "The purpose is to increase interoperability 
between Japan and the US. Given the slashed training budget, the 
US military may not be able to transfer its training, as Okinawa 
expects." 
 
What caused this type of confusion? An SDF official complained: 
"For fear of leakage of talks with the US, internal bureaus did 
not consult with uniformed personnel. Non-uniformed officials, 
who don't know anything about troop operations, made the 
decisions." 
 
A Defense Agency official described the US force realignment as a 
once-in-a-century major reform comparable to a revision of the US- 
Japan Security Treaty. Although he also underscored closer 
military cooperation between Japan and the US, discord in the SDF 
is now obvious. 
 
(3) US force realignment following a wild path (Part 5 - 
Conclusion): X-band radar in Japan may end up serving as 
"endorsement" of preemptive strike 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 26) (Abridged) 
April 6, 2006 
 
On December 7, 2005, a group of US Defense Department officials 
and technical experts toured the Air Self-Defense Force's Shariki 
detachment base in Aomori Prefecture. 
 
Their purpose was to determine a location for X-band radar, an 
integral part of the ballistic missile defense (MD) system. They 
concluded their 11 days of research by picking a spot on the base 
facing the Sea of Japan. 
 
Missile defense is an intricate system to intercept an incoming 
ballistic missile with another missile. The United States began 
deploying MD in 2004 for homeland defense. The deployment of an X- 
band radar installation in Japan is specified in the US force 
realignment interim report produced by Tokyo and Washington last 
October. 
 
The US is on alert against North Korean and Iran. North Korea 
fired a Taepodong ballistic missile into the Pacific Ocean off 
Misawa in August 1998. Some parts in the missile reportedly flew 
5,000 kilometers. Beyond that point lies Hawaii, where the US 
Pacific Command is based. 
 
A person connected with the Defense Agency said: 
 
"The United States has only one ground-based X-band radar 
installation. The US has decided to deploy such a valuable 
component in Japan to defend itself." 
 
Japan made a cabinet decision in December 2003 to introduce a 
 
TOKYO 00001883  006 OF 010 
 
 
missile defense system. Although the interceptor missiles are US- 
made, Japan has been developing radar independently. 
 
A 30-meter-tall FPS-XX advanced radar installation has been built 
at the Technical Research and Development Institute Inooka branch 
office in Chiba Prefecture for testing. 
 
Tanegashima lies about 1,000 kilometers away from the Inooka 
branch office, a distance comparable to the range of North 
Korea's Rodong ballistic missile. 
 
A Self-Defense Force officer noted: "The FPS-XX radar 
successfully detected an H2 rocket launched from Tanegashima. The 
radar clearly showed the rocker's rising path. A Defense Agency 
official in charge neither confirmed nor denied the SDF officer's 
statement, which suggested the radar's readiness for full-fledged 
operation. 
 
The X-band radar is highly capable of detecting warheads, 
although its coverage is narrow. In contrast, the FPS-XX radar 
has low detection capability with a wider coverage. 
 
FPS-XX radar installations are set at four places in Japan: 
Shimokoshikijima in Kagoshima, Sado in Niigata, Ominato in 
Aomori, and Yozadake in Okinawa. Japan's radar network must be 
appealing to the United States. 
 
An SDF officer familiar with missile defense proudly noted: 
 
"There are many US satellites and American spies around the 
world. In terms of intelligence, the US military and Japan's SDF 
are as different as a grown man and a child. But with the MD 
system, Japan can stand on an equal footing with the US." 
 
Japan and the US have also reached an agreement on close 
cooperation between the two countries' MD headquarters and 
sharing sensory intelligence to pave the way for containing North 
Korean ballistic missiles. 
 
But military journalist Tetsuo Maeda took this view: 
 
"The system could pose serious problems. Japan may be used often, 
and our country might be enmeshed in the Bush administration's 
preemptive strike strategy. If the US threatened North Korea with 
force, the North might react angrily and fire a missile as a 
result. In that event, it would be Japan alone that would be 
affected, because North Korean ballistic missiles cannot reach 
the continental United States. And if a Japan-US interceptor 
system is in place at that point, however vague it is, the MD 
system would give a seal of approval to the US to make a 
preemptive strike." 
 
The United States is scheduled to deploy X-band radar at the 
ASDF's Shariki base this August and the Aegis-equipped Shiloh at 
Yokosuka Naval Base at the end of this year. When it comes to US 
force realignment, Washington's moves have been especially fast. 
(4) Editorial: USFJ realignment talks making little progress 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) 
April 7, 2006 
 
Talks to implement the realignment of US forces in Japan are 
making little progress. The interim report adopted by the 
 
TOKYO 00001883  007 OF 010 
 
 
governments of Japan and the US last October noted that a final 
report should be compiled by this March. Some, however, take the 
view that it will not be issued before late April. There is no 
prospect in sight for compiling a final report on USFJ 
realignment. 
 
The Japanese government is now pursuing dual-track negotiations 
with the US. One is talks between Defense Agency (JDA) Director 
General Fukushiro Nukaga and Nago Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro on 
the relocation of Futenma Air Station to Nago. The focus of their 
talks is on to what extent the plan to move Futenma functions to 
the Camp Schwab coast as set in the interim report can be revised 
in response to local residents' requests. 
 
The other is working-level talks between officials of the two 
countries responsible for foreign and defense affairs. 
Discussions are continuing on how to share the cost of relocating 
US Marines in Okinawa to Guam and the ratio of expenditures from 
the general account (direct fiscal outlays) and the sum paid as 
loans in the amount borne by Japan. 
 
Nukaga and Shimabukuro had agreed to reach a conclusion during 
the next round of talks to be held this week. There is concern 
that if a decision were reached before obtaining the consent of 
affected local communities, they would remain opposed to the 
plan, casting a pall over the future course of the realignment 
plan. 
 
The bilateral working-level talks, which had been held in 
Washington from April 4, fell through. The next round of the 
talks will be held in Tokyo, starting on the 13th. The US has 
estimated the cost of relocating Marines to Guam at approximately 
10 billion dollars. It is calling on Japan to pay 7.5 billion 
dollars of that amount. The two countries' views are wide apart 
on this issue, with the JDA basically intending to bear the cost 
in the form of loans through the Japan Bank for International 
Cooperation for family housing. 
 
During the talks on USFJ realignment, Tokyo has strongly called 
for a reduction in the burden on Okinawa. The transfer of 8,000 
personnel from the Marine Corps Command is the result of such 
efforts. The US position is that since the US will continue to 
take responsibility for dealing with emergencies in Japan even 
after the relocation, Japan should pay a large portion of the 
relocation costs. 
 
If the relocation were to be carried out, based on the Marine 
Corps' budget and a reduced financial contribution by Japan, then 
the process would take longer. Numbers are the focus of 
discussions on the relocation of Marines to Guam and the Futenma 
relocation to Nago. Bargaining over numbers is nothing but a 
political discussion. The Nago relocation issue has to be settled 
first at a meeting between Nukaga and Shimabukuro so that 
politics can play a role in settling the cost issue as well. 
 
(5) Editorial - Transfer of US troops in Japan: Highly costly 
"bill" for troop relocation 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full) 
April 7, 2006 
 
Japan and the United States have yet to reach a final agreement 
on the realignment of US forces in Japan, though the end of March 
 
TOKYO 00001883  008 OF 010 
 
 
was supposed to be the deadline. On the cost of the planned 
relocation of US Marines from Okinawa to Guam, the US should not 
persist in its one-sided request to Japan. 
 
Senior-working-level talks between Japan and the US had been held 
in Washington on a three-day timetable, but they ended one day 
early. Given the gap in views between the two countries, on such 
issues as the division of the cost of relocating the US Marines 
headquarters from Okinawa to Guam, even if consultations are soon 
restarted, it would the two sides time to reach a final 
agreement. 
 
The idea of transferring Marines from Okinawa to Guam was put 
forth in the joint paper released last October by the ministers 
for foreign affairs and defense of Japan and the US. The paper 
states that specifics of the troop relocation plan will be laid 
out before the end of March. This timetable was agreed on by the 
two governments and was a political commitment to both the 
peoples of Japan and the US. 
 
Bilateral consultations on the details of the relocation plan 
have hardly made progress since the agreement was reached. The 
reason is presumably the idea that it would be easy to figure out 
such matters as how to share in the cost of the US troop 
relocation and responses by municipalities that will be affected 
by the US force realignment. Both the governments must take 
seriously their failure to come up with a final plan before the 
deadline. 
 
It is an uncommon situation in that an important agreement 
between Japan and the US is not put into action. If this 
situation becomes protracted, there could be an impact on the 
relationship of trust between the two countries. Tokyo and 
Washington need to make even more effort to give shape to a final 
plan in a way that would be acceptable to both nations. 
 
The US government has estimated the total cost of relocating US 
Marines to Guam at approximately 10 billion dollars, or about 1.2 
trillion yen, and has asked Japan to pay 75% of the cost. 
 
The transfer of US Marines to somewhere overseas will alleviate 
the burden on Okinawa. Marines, even after their transfer to 
Guam, will continue to play the role of defending Japan. Given 
this, it is no wonder that Japan will offer to pay a portion of 
the relocation cost in accordance with its ability. However, 
Japan's payment should be premised on a clear explanation from 
the US about how the money Japan will provide will be used and 
how Japan's share of the cost was determined. 
 
We wonder why America's estimated relocation cost of 10 billion 
dollars includes expenses for the construction of social 
infrastructure, such as housing, roads, and water supply, in 
addition to the expenses for constructing base facilities. Even 
if Japan were to be generous enough to pay the expenses necessary 
for the construction of relevant facilities in accepting 
America's request, wouldn't the ownership of those facilities 
still belong to the US? Unless this simple question is resolved, 
the issue will become more complicated in the public eye 
regardless of whether the two governments reach a final 
agreement. 
 
On the other hand, even in the understandable realm of cost 
sharing, there is room for contriving ways for cooperation. Not 
 
TOKYO 00001883  009 OF 010 
 
 
only grant aid but also government loans and private investment 
are possible means. Given the deep and broad relations between 
Japan and the US, it is advisable for both countries to be 
flexible and think about cooperation in other areas instead. 
 
(6) Who is benefiting from US beef embargo? 
 
ASAHI (Page 33) (Full) 
April 7, 2006 
 
Talks between Tokyo and Washington on a resumption of US beef 
imports are still continuing. Following the ban on US beef 
imports, a large portion of beef eaten in Japan is from 
Australia. An industrial source noted: "Australian beef has an 
image of safety. It is also cheaper than US beef." 
 
The US is concerned that while the import ban is in place, 
Australian beef might dominate the Japanese market, a major 
importer of US beef products. Bilateral government-level beef 
talks were held last month at the government's joint-use 
conference hall, which is located next to the Australian Embassy. 
A senior Japanese government official who attended the talks 
said, "From the window we could see an Australian flag that 
almost looked as though it were fanning the US negotiators' 
frustration." 
 
(7) Death of John Carbaugh, behind-the-scenes mastermind in Japan- 
US relations 
 
ASAHI (Page 15) (Full) 
April 6, 2006 
 
Yoichi Kato, Washington bureau chief 
 
The memorial service for John Carbaugh, attorney, 60, was held at 
a church in a suburb of Washington on March 29 when the cherry 
blossoms were at their peak. He once served as an adviser to 
Senator Jesse Helms. He was known for developing anticommunist 
political movements in Latin America in the 1970s and 1980s. A 
few days ago, Washington Post reported in its obituary section 
that Carbaugh was a leading member of the Senate's "shadow State 
Department." 
 
Carbaugh began his involvement in Japan-US relations after he 
left Congress in 1982, setting up his office close to the White 
House. He had a broad range of conservative personal connections. 
He recently highlighted his close ties with President George W. 
Bush's political advisor Karl Rove. 
 
He worked as a consultant for Japanese and US defense-related and 
trading companies. He was like a fixer who was involved in the 
process of making agreements between the two governments behind 
the scenes. All those involved in security in the two countries 
know him. 
 
Hideaki Kato, a foreign policy commentator who is a longtime 
acquaintance of Carbaugh, said, "He served as a communication 
channel between the two countries. He conveyed the two 
governments' real views that two government officials could not 
tell each other face to face." 
 
Washington Post columnist Robert Novak stated in a speech: "John 
was the best news source for me." His remark provoked laughter 
 
TOKYO 00001883  010 OF 010 
 
 
from attendees at the memorial service. Novak looked back on the 
past, recalling a time when, "He left a bag containing top secret 
Defense Department information in my office." 
 
Novak said: "He was sure that liberal forces, including the 
Carter administration, would lead the country in the wrong 
direction. His presumption was correct." 
 
In 1989, Carbaugh fanned discord in the US Congress when Japan 
and the US were at odds over Japan's plan to develop the FSX 
fighter aircraft. He was said to have been involved also in the 
2003 withdrawal of Japanese trading firms from the Azadegan oil 
field project that the US government strongly opposed. He was 
shunned by some Japanese companies. He reportedly was also 
involved in the ongoing bilateral negotiations on the realignment 
of US force in Japan. He urged the White House and the Defense 
Department to accept Japan's plan to relocate the US Marine 
Corps' Futenma Air Station, backing Japan's Defense Agency. 
 
Michael Green, Japan Affairs Director at the Center for Strategic 
International Studies, who served as senior advisor for Asian 
affairs at the White House National Security Council until at the 
end of last year, commented: 
 
"We met one in a while. It was helpful to have a friend who kept 
a close eye on the right wing in Congress. We'd known each other 
since the mid-1990s. I thought he disliked Japan before meeting 
him, but he was friendly to Japan." 
 
When the Cold War was over, the US enemy disappeared. US hard- 
line conservatives, including Carbaugh, made Japan the new 
"enemy" of the US as its business rival. However, Carbaugh 
developed a liking for Japan. Some said that he was recently 
considering how to strengthen Japan so that the US and Japan 
would be able to compete with China. 
 
Green said, "This symbolizes a change in the US conservatives' 
thinking of Japan." 
 
Carbaugh called himself the "kuromaku (behind-the-scenes 
mastermind), but he did not have influence affecting agreements 
between the two governments. He, however, seemed to have enjoyed 
being involved in Japan-US relations in order to move the 
situation in the direction he wished. 
 
Some observers in Washington believe that since Japan-US 
relations have improved overall, there are fewer opportunities 
for a fixer like Carbaugh to play an active role. It is also true 
that diplomatic channels, except for the Koizumi-Bush friendship, 
have not functioned well. Therefore, behind-the-scene masterminds 
like Carbaugh are still needed. 
 
SCHIEFFER