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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 001557 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST 
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS 
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/24/06 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) New proposal floated to shift the Henoko coastal plan 200 
meters toward the ocean; With government urging compromise, 
Yamasaki presents proposal to chiefs of northern part of mainland 
and others; Nago City mayor: No change in rejecting minor 
revision of plan 
 
(2) "Settlement of Futenma relocation and cost-sharing issues 
difficult by the end of the month," says Satoshi Morimoto in 
speech 
 
(3) Japan, US, France to develop new-type nuclear fuel, senior US 
government official reveals; Prevention of nuclear proliferation 
eyed 
 
(4) 2006 LDP presidential election - post-Koizumi candidates: 
Former Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda, 69, biding his time, 
carefully watching the diplomatic scene 
 
(5) Koizumi successor - Study of Shinzo Abe (Part 3): Making 
effort to have widen personnel ties to get firsthand economic 
information 
 
(6) Japan's Asia diplomacy: Promising post-Koizumi successors 
divided over Asia diplomacy, with Abe, Aso tough toward China, 
but Tanigaki, Fukuda wishing to improve relations with it 
 
(7) Asia diplomacy: Japan's influence serves US interests 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) New proposal floated to shift the Henoko coastal plan 200 
meters toward the ocean; With government urging compromise, 
Yamasaki presents proposal to chiefs of northern part of mainland 
and others; Nago City mayor: No change in rejecting minor 
revision of plan 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 1) (Excerpt) 
March 24, 2006 
 
It was learned on March 23, in connection with the plan to 
relocate the US Marines' Futenma Air Station to the coastal 
portion of Camp Schwab, that a revised plan has been floated 
within the government and ruling camp that would shift the 
location of the currently proposed site 200 meters toward the 
ocean, and that this plan has been presented in the middle of 
this month to the heads of local governments in the northern part 
of the main island of Okinawa by Taku Yamasaki, chairman of the 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Okinawa Development Committee. 
Several government sources acknowledged the existence of the 
slightly revised plan. Since the scope of revision requiring 
approval of Nago City would be a shift toward the ocean of 
approximately 450 meters at minimum, the government warned that 
implementation of such would be impossible, but the plan to shift 
the location 200 meters is a compromise proposal just under the 
wire, the aim being to urge Nago City to meet it half way. But 
there are still likely to be even more twists and turns before 
the understanding of Nago City is obtained. 
 
(2) "Settlement of Futenma relocation and cost-sharing issues 
difficult by the end of the month," says Satoshi Morimoto in 
speech 
 
TOKYO 00001557  002 OF 009 
 
 
 
KANAGAWA SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
March 23, 2006 
 
The guest speaker for the March meeting of the Kanagawa Political- 
Economic Forum on March 22 was Takushoku University Professor 
Satoshi Morimoto, who spoke on the theme, "USFJ realignment and 
the Japan-US alliance." 
 
Professor Morimoto stated: "In the realignment of US forces in 
Japan, the public's eye is fixed on the deployment of a nuclear- 
powered carrier to Yokosuka port, but it is not just Yokosuka, 
for at some point, a carrier will be coming to Sasebo Base, as 
well. The coordination between the government and local 
governments has been slow going, and a resolution by the end of 
the month is difficult," 
 
The main points of his speech are as follows: 
 
Because the arc of instability (from the Korean Peninsula through 
Southeast Asia to the Middle East) virtually contains no 
countries with democratic governments, the United States sees the 
potential danger there for terrorism and war. Japan needs to 
grasp what the US is thinking and then act. Japan from a 
geopolitical perspective is an advantageous location for the US 
armed forces. 
 
The merit of bringing in the US Army's I Corp command to Camp 
Zama, compared to leaving the headquarters on the American 
mainland, is that 17 hours can be shaven off the response time. 
The unit of approximately 200 who will be deployed to Camp Zama 
will be of an extremely high intellectual level and centered on 
officers who will have central command over the Army, Navy, and 
Air Force in the entire region. 
 
In the case of the deployment of a nuclear-powered carrier to 
Yokosuka, when it achieves full speed near the island of Izu- 
Oshima, the carrier-based jets will take off. For a carrier, the 
greatest threat is from torpedoes launched by submarines. Since 
the Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) possesses over 100 world- 
class anti-sub patrol planes, It would be an advantage for the US 
forces to have MSDF personnel relocated to Atsugi base. As a 
result, Japan's maritime safety would be enhanced. 
 
The biggest key to wrapping up the final report on USFJ 
realignment will be the relocation of the US Marines from Futenma 
Air Station to Camp Schwab. However, there are rumors in Okinawa 
that Defense Agency Director General Fukushiro Nukaga may be 
forced to resign, and even within the Japanese government, views 
are split. Signs of a political fight have emerged. 
 
We also can see signs of a struggle among contenders to succeed 
Prime Minister Koizumi, whose term in office will end in 
September. The sharing of the cost relocating US Marines to Guam 
is also a problem, and a resolution of the realignment issues by 
the end of the month seem impossible, It looks like only a 
political decision will settle the issues of relocating Futenma 
and the moving cost. 
 
(3) Japan, US, France to develop new-type nuclear fuel, senior US 
government official reveals; Prevention of nuclear proliferation 
eyed 
 
 
TOKYO 00001557  003 OF 009 
 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Excerpts) 
March 23, 2006 
 
Robert Shane Johnson, acting director of the Office of Nuclear 
Energy, Science and Technology, which controls nuclear 
cooperation with foreign countries at the US Department of Energy 
(DOE), on March 21 gave an interview to an Asahi Shimbun 
reporter. During the interview, Johnson revealed that Japan, the 
US and France are now looking into the possibility of the joint 
development of new-type nuclear fuel aimed to prevent nuclear 
proliferation. The envisaged fuel will be produced, by mixing 
plutonium harvested at nuclear plants with a radioactive 
ingredient called transuranium element. Japan wants to work on 
the project at the proto-type fast-breeder reactor "Monju" in 
Tsuruga, Fukui Prefecture and the proto-type fast-breeder 
 
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experimental reactor "Joyo" in Oarai Town, Ibaraki Prefecture. 
 
Transuranic element to be used 
 
Washington in February released the International Nuclear 
Partnership (GNEP) research and development plan aimed to resume 
the reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel for commercial use after a 
hiatus of about 30 years. Joint development efforts among Japan, 
the US and France are a step to materialize the initiative. 
 
According to Johnson, responsible authorities of the three 
countries are now pursuing the initial-stage discussion. The plan 
is that the US and France will take charge of developing fuel 
samples and Japan will carry out a combustion experiment at the 
small-size Joyo experimental breeder. If the experiment is 
successful, further experiment will be conducted at Monju, using 
similar samples. 
 
The US government has not yet formally sounded out the Japanese 
government about the use of its fast-breeder reactor, but sources 
connected with the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, 
Science and Technology (MEXT) said, "We have no objection to the 
idea." Inspecting Monju in February, Johnson said, "This facility 
is extremely important in promoting the leading-edge development 
of nuclear energy. He thus expressed hopes for an early 
resumption of the operation of Monju, which has been suspended 
since the sodium leakage accident in 1995. Since the US has no 
fast-breeder reactors for experimental use, it wants to obtain 
cooperation from Japan by authorizing it to share technology and 
information with it. 
 
In view of a growing demand for energy, GNEP is also designed to 
provide nuclear plants and nuclear fuel to developing countries, 
and the plan is to limit the countries that recycle (reprocess 
for reuse) spent nuclear fuel from such nuclear plants to those 
that have already facilities, such as Japan and France, so that 
the proliferation of nuclear weapons can be checked. 
 
Mountain of technological challenges 
 
(Commentary) The material which the US plans to mix with nuclear 
fuel is a nuclear product called minor actinide (MA), harvested 
when uranium nuclear fuels, such as neptunium, americium and 
curium are combusted in a nuclear reactor. 
 
It is difficult to handle MA when it is mixed with nuclear fuel 
because it emits extremely strong radioactivity, and so, it is 
difficult for terrorists to steel it. 
 
TOKYO 00001557  004 OF 009 
 
 
 
Technology to extract MA has yet to be established. There are a 
mountain of challenges to tackle before using the material, 
including a new reprocessing technology for extracting it when it 
is mixed with plutonium and the development of a new-type nuclear 
reactor that can burn new nuclear fuel. 
 
Though Johnson said, "I do not think we are underestimating 
technological difficulties involved", prospects for the 
feasibility of the project has yet to be obtained. Even so, the 
US has come up with the new project plan, facing two growing 
maladies that have hindered the commercial use of nuclear power - 
the potential danger of nuclear proliferation involved in the 
promotion of the peaceful use of nuclear power and the heavy drag 
of the disposal of nuclear waste. Johnson said that the new 
program is designed to tackle the two maladies at a time. 
 
(4) 2006 LDP presidential election - post-Koizumi candidates: 
Former Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda, 69, biding his time, 
carefully watching the diplomatic scene 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
March 17, 2006 
 
By Yu Takayama 
 
There is no change in the way he tends to be brusque with others. 
But because of that trait, he is able to make his presence felt 
even more. "Mr. Fukuda has said it's annoying to be called (a 
potential post-Koizumi candidate). Despite that, why is he 
gaining popularity?" With this expression, former Prime Minister 
Yoshiro Mori, dubbed as a linchpin in selecting presidential 
candidates in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to succeed Prime 
Minister Koizumi, indicated he has pinned his hopes on former 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda, 69 
 
Fukuda's blunt attitude was also seen on Feb. 17, when a 
parliamentary group of 50 or so lawmakers or Chimei Risshi-kai 
(meaning the group of late blooming lawmakers aged 50 or more) 
gathered in Tokyo. During the get-together, Fukuda (who was first 
elected to the Diet when he was 53), announced he took the vacant 
post of chair and stated: "I may be a caretaker rather than the 
chair," and, "I act as a stopgap chair until someone takes the 
post formally." His way of speaking was unique - as if to quiet 
down group members' calls on Fukuda to lead Japan. One 
participant, who is well aware of Fukuda's delicate stance, told 
this reporter: "I decided then and there to help our group (make 
a move for expanding support for Mr. Fukuda)." 
 
The tide of opinion in the LDP is that Fukuda is reluctant to 
raise his hand on his own initiative as a presidential candidate, 
but he would become willing to do so if he were put in a 
situation where there is no choice but Fukuda. A senior party 
member, in fact, explained: "The public may favor (Chief Cabinet 
Secretary Shinzo) Abe, but if we legislators unite to back 
 
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Fukuda, then he will run in the race." An influential House of 
Councilors member pointed out: "The other lawmakers do not seem 
as qualified as Fukuda to be presidential candidates." 
 
As if linked to the moves of the group, Fukuda has become notably 
active in commenting on foreign policy, which has been Prime 
Minister Junichiro Koizumi's weak point. At a general meeting on 
March 12 of the LDP's Meguro Chapter, Fukuda referred to 
 
TOKYO 00001557  005 OF 009 
 
 
relations with Asian nations and implicitly criticized Koizumi's 
diplomacy: "We can't go around quarrelling with others." 
 
On March 16, Fukuda visited Seoul. He was in South Korea as 
deputy director of the Japan-South Korea Cooperation Committee, 
of which his father Takeo, who once served as prime minister, had 
been chair. In a meeting with President Roh Moo Hyun, a critic of 
Prime Minister Koizumi for his repeated visits to Yasukuni 
Shrine, Fukuda underscored the necessity of mending fences with 
South Korea. 
 
In April, Fukuda plans to travel to Sri Lanka, and in May, 
Jordan. In late January, he met with US Deputy National Security 
Advisor Crouch at his request. Fukuda's brisk movements leave the 
impression that he is rebuilding the failed aspects of Koizumi 
diplomacy. Encouraged by the recent move of Minshuto (Democratic 
Party of Japan) to appoint elderly lawmaker Kozo Watanabe to the 
post of chair of the party's Diet Affairs Committee, veteran 
lawmakers in the LDP, too, are coming to life. Given his age of 
69, Fukuda could unite veteran lawmakers, who are against a 
generational change in the party leadership, to back up him. A 
seasoned lawmaker of the Mori faction construed Fukuda's active 
movements on the diplomatic front as a demonstration of his 
emergency readiness. 
 
But Shinzo Abe, the most popular presidential candidate, also 
belongs to the Mori faction. Former LDP Vice President Taku 
Yamasaki has remarked, "It's impossible for one faction to back 
two presidential candidates." Following this common knowledge, 
Abe's announcement of running for the presidential race would 
mean Fukuda would not. If both were to come forward as 
presidential candidates, the Mori faction, the largest in the 
party, would split. 
 
Some describe Fukuda as a man of patience who will bide his time. 
Meanwhile, one veteran legislator urged Fukuda to come forward, 
saying: "If you toss your hat into the ring before Abe does so, 
he won't be able to do so." Will Fukuda actually run for the 
presidency? Mori already has assumed the possibility of Fukuda 
not running. Mori would then offer his chairmanship to Fukuda, 
and the faction would change its name from Mori's to Fukuda's. 
The Fukuda faction would then work to back up Abe. But Mori also 
told an aide: 
 
" Abe may find himself wrapped in the mood that Fukuda is the 
only candidate for the faction to back, no matter how strongly 
Abe wants to run. If that is the case, will Abe make way for 
Fukuda? And then will Fukuda accept the challenge?" 
 
(5) Koizumi successor - Study of Shinzo Abe (Part 3): Making 
effort to have widen personnel ties to get firsthand economic 
information 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
March 22, 2006 
 
It is essential for the person who gains the post of prime 
minister to build personal connections in order to strengthen his 
or her survivability. Shinzo Abe's network of personal ties lies 
mainly in the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) Mori faction, to 
which he belongs. 
 
Abe visited Nomi and other cities in Ishikawa Prefecture in the 
 
TOKYO 00001557  006 OF 009 
 
 
cold rain on March 12 to deliver campaign speeches for the eldest 
son of Yoshiro Mori in the by-election campaigning for an 
Ishikawa Prefectural Assembly seat. It is rare for the chief 
cabinet secretary, who takes charge of the Prime Minister's 
Office during the prime minister's absence, to visit local areas 
to give vote-getting speeches. 
 
When his father, Shintaro Abe, was the leader of the faction, 
Mori was regarded as one of the "big four." Backed by Mori, Abe 
assumed the post of deputy chief cabinet secretary and took 
charge of the issue of Japanese nationals abducted by North 
Korean agents. He became well known across the nation as a result 
of coming to grips with the abduction issue. 
 
In the speeches, Abe said: "It is not correct to think that I 
came here because he is Mr. Mori's son," but he added: "I must 
not forget his kindness." 
 
Keeping in mind the possibility that the LDP would face setbacks 
in the House of Councillors election in 2007, Mori has said that 
the party should not let Abe run in the upcoming presidential 
race but instead keep him as an ace in the hole. Future 
development of relations between Mori and Abe would have some 
effect on the coming presidential election. 
 
"An increasing number of meetings will be held from now," Policy 
Research Council Chairman Hidenao Nakagawa said to Abe after the 
fiscal 2006 budget bill passed the House of Representatives on 
March 2. He has served four terms more than Abe. Nakagawa has 
taken the lead in laying out a scheme on a post-Koizumi successor 
as a senior member of the Mori faction. 
 
Junior members have begun to draw up a manifesto (set of campaign 
pledges) in preparation for Abe to officially announce his 
candidacy. 
 
In the business world, Abe has been on close terms with Central 
Japan Railway Company Chairman Yoshiyuki Kasai. Kasai proposed to 
Kaoru Yosano about four years ago, "Let's hold study meetings 
joined by the next generation of leaders." Kasai and Yosano were 
classmates at Tokyo University. Both picked Abe as a member of 
the study group, which calls itself "Shiki no kai." 
 
Yosano took the lead in unifying views in the ruling camp over 
wiretapping authorization bills, which was enacted into law in 
¶1999. He had said at that time that he was impressed by Abe's 
efforts and activities as Diet Affairs Committee vice chairman. 
 
Kasai has also joined the Experts Council on Official Development 
Assistance (ODA) Reform, which was set up by Abe late last year. 
 
Abe has set up a number of study meetings with businessmen or 
economists. He is aiming to obtain firsthand information from 
former Daiwa Research Institute President Junzo Matoba, who had 
good relations with his father, and others. 
 
Former Industrial Bank of Japan President Masao Nishimura is his 
uncle. The eldest daughter Ushio Inc. Chairman Jiro Ushio, a 
member of the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy, is the wife 
of Abe's elder brother. 
 
Abe has many acquaintances in the US in part because he served as 
secretary to the foreign minister. He has established good 
 
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TOKYO 00001557  007 OF 009 
 
 
relations with former Deputy Secretary of State Armitage and 
former Senior Asia Director Green of the National Security 
Council (NSC). He can contact them on the phone any time. 
 
In a meeting with visiting South Korea's Grand National Party 
President Pak on March 7, Abe said: "Now that there are problems 
pending between the two countries, It is important for us to meet 
and discuss matters." Pak replied: "I hope our past accounts will 
be resolved in our generation." 
 
The challenge Abe should tackle is to build a network of contacts 
in China, which is now at odds with Japan over the prime 
minister's visits to Yasukuni Shrine. 
 
(6) Japan's Asia diplomacy: Promising post-Koizumi successors 
divided over Asia diplomacy, with Abe, Aso tough toward China, 
but Tanigaki, Fukuda wishing to improve relations with it 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) 
March 24, 2006 
 
Promising post-Koizumi candidates for the Liberal Democratic 
Party (LDP) presidential election, which is slated for September, 
are making it clear that their views of China and South Korea are 
different. Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe and Foreign 
Minister Taro Aso stand tough on China, while Finance Minister 
Sadakazu Tanigaki and former Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda 
emphasize the importance of repairing the strained relations with 
China and South Korea, by even visiting those countries. Business 
leaders also have a strong interest in bettering relations with 
those two countries. Asia diplomacy will definitely come out as 
an important campaign issue in the presidential election. 
 
Yen loan programs for China for this fiscal year were supposed to 
be approved at a cabinet meeting at the end of the fiscal year. 
But at a press conference yesterday, Abe announced a policy of 
delaying such approval, telling reporters: "Considering various 
circumstances involving Japan and China, it will take much more 
time to coordinate views internally." 
 
Japan has already decided to end its yen loans programs to China 
by the time of the Beijing Olympic Games in 2008. In addition to 
that, Japan yesterday decided to delay giving cabinet approval to 
yen loan programs for China. This decision is taken as something 
that came out in line with Abe's instructions given to the 
Foreign Ministry and followed the way that Aso had paved. 
 
Aso has indicated he is ready to take countermeasures if China 
launches extraction of natural gas in the East China Sea 
unilaterally. By making China well aware of the importance of yen 
loans, Aso appears to have gained the upper hand in negotiations 
on exploration of gas fields and other matters involving the two 
countries. 
 
While Abe and Aso are becoming even tougher on China, other 
promising post-Koizumi candidates have been actively publicizing 
their stance of emphasizing Asia diplomacy. 
 
"Former Prime Minister Masayoshi Ohira played a significant role 
in restoring diplomatic relations with China," Tanigaki said on 
March 17, when he dined with Chinese Ambassador to Japan Wang Yi 
at a Chinese restaurant in Tokyo. Referring to the achievements 
of the late Ohira, who led the Kochikai from which the Tanigaki 
 
TOKYO 00001557  008 OF 009 
 
 
faction originated, Tanigaki indicated his position of stressing 
good relations with China. On March 25, he will visit Beijing and 
meet with Finance Minister Jin Renqing. 
 
Fukuda, who belongs to the Mori faction like Abe, is becoming a 
major presence in terms of relations with South Korea. Together 
with former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone and others, Fukuda 
visited Seoul March 15. In a conversation with President Roh Moo 
Hyun, Fukuda appealed to the South Korean leaders to "make a 
revolutionary progress" to break the impasse in the present Japan- 
South Korea relations. 
 
Post-Koizumi candidates have different ideas also about the idea 
of building a new national memorial center for the war dead. Abe 
is dismissive of it. He said at an Upper House Budget Committee 
session on March 23: "Spirits of the dead cannot feel comfortable 
at an intentionally built facility." 
 
Meanwhile, Fukuda is a member of the parliamentary league 
promoting the construction of a memorial center. Among the 
members of the league are New Komeito Representative Takenori 
Kanzaki and its Secretary General Tetsuzo Fuyushiba. The New 
Komeito is a coalition partner of the LDP. The league seems to be 
of use for Fukuda to highlight his stance of emphasizing the 
coalition framework of the LDP and the New Komeito. 
 
(7) Asia diplomacy: Japan's influence serves US interests 
 
YOMIURI (Page 15) (Full) 
March 22, 2006/03/24 
 
Commentary by Michael Green, Japan Chair and senior adviser at 
the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) 
 
The United States gives priority in its diplomatic strategy 
toward Asia not only to strengthening the alliance with Japan but 
also to supporting Japan's own diplomacy toward Asia. The Bush 
administration's initial strategic goal was to establish an equal 
partnership with Japan in dealing with security and political 
issues in Asia. 
 
In his first meeting with Prime Minister Koizumi in the US in 
June 2001, President Bush smoothly pushed that agenda. Prime 
Minister Koizumi was the first leader after the terrorist attacks 
on the US in September 2001 who confidently told the President: 
"The Free World must wipe out terrorism." The Prime Minister 
immediately turned his words into action. He dispatched Maritime 
Self-Defense Force units to the Indian Ocean on a mission to 
assist the reconstruction of Afghanistan. 
 
On North Korea's uranium enrichment problem, President Bush 
insisted on the need for a multilateral diplomatic approach, 
including Japan. Based on that call, the six-party talks were 
initiated. On Iraq, the Koizumi administration independently and 
swiftly decided to contribute 5 billion dollars. This figure is 
smaller than that on the occasion of the Gulf war, but Japan 
still won great trust (from the international community). The 
Ground Self-Defense Force (GSDF) troops stationed in Samawah also 
have won respect from Americans and Iraqis. Japan's foreign 
policy has now gained real influence in the world. Japan's 
growing influence also serves US national interests. 
 
The most remarkable change in the international community 
 
TOKYO 00001557  009 OF 009 
 
 
recently has been China's rapid buildup of national power and 
influence. The US is not calling on the international community 
to adopt a policy of containing China; nor is China seeking to 
confront the US. Beijing, however, desires to become the 
representative of Asia and have a veto over US moves by 
establishing a US-China bipolar structure in Asia. If Japan's can 
enhance its presence on the diplomatic front, it will be able to 
prevent such a disadvantageous bipolar system from developing. 
 
The US has urged China to take proper actions as a responsible 
stakeholder. In such efforts, Japan can be a good model to show 
that democratic countries have greatly contributed to the 
international community. 
 
In order to increase its diplomatic influence, Japan should 
develop a farsighted strategy. To that end, it is necessary for 
Japan to take the following four points into consideration. 
First, Japan should draw up its own "Asia vision," a foreign 
policy based on its sense of values that specifically focuses on 
democracy, the rule of law, and the market economy. These 
principles are about to take hold in Indonesia, Taiwan, and South 
Korea, so Japan could be the promoter of such a trend. 
 
Second, it is also important to deepen ties with democratic 
countries in Asia. In this sense, too, it is vital for the US, 
Japan, and Australia to promote the trilateral security talks 
that were inaugurated in 2001. It is also desirable to increase 
cooperation with India. 
 
Third, continuing the Ground Self Defense Force (GSDF) troops' 
mission in Iraq is also important. The dispatch of GSDF personnel 
to Samawah gave the impression to the international community 
that Japan is capable of undertaking a role in the international 
security area. Japan should consider dispatching the GSDF to 
other parts of the world, for instance, Sudan or Haiti, for 
humanitarian assistance, once it has withdrawn its troops from 
Iraq. Otherwise, the importance of Japan's presence in the world 
may diminish. The absence of the SDF would allow other countries 
to interpret that Japan's security policy has retreated. 
 
Lastly, it is important for Japan to implement the measures Japan 
and the US in US force realignment talks agreed to take. 
 
Many Japanese have been advocating the slogan of "Japan leaving 
the US to enter Asia." But I believe that an increasing number of 
people now take the view that the right way is for Japan "enter 
Asia while staying intimate with the US." A solid US-Japan 
alliance will strengthen Japan's Asia diplomacy. 
 
SCHIEFFER