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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 001039 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST 
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS 
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/27/06 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, social divide, US 
beef, imperial throne 
 
(2) Minshuto's Nagata to apologize over Horie e-mail; Focus to 
shift to leadership's responsibility; President Maehara eager to 
maintain current leadership, while Diet affairs chief Noda ready 
to resign 
 
(3) GSDF gives up organizing new regiment under Central Readiness 
Command 
 
(4) FTA talks with 6 Gulf nations to start in July; Government 
determined to secure resources 
 
(5) Editorial: US beef - higher hurdle to clear before winning 
Japanese confidence 
 
(6) Editorial: One year after enactment of Kyoto Protocol; The 
situation is not that pessimistic 
 
(7) A report from San Francisco, birthplace of Japan-US alliance 
 
(Corrected copy)  Poll: 58% see no need for Maehara to resign; 
DPJ substantially down in public support 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, social divide, US 
beef, imperial throne 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
February 21, 2006 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Parentheses denote the 
results of a survey conducted Jan. 28-29.) 
 
Q: Do you support the Koizumi cabinet? 
 
Yes       43       (45) 
No        41       (37) 
 
Q: Why? (One reason only. Left column for those marking "yes" on 
previous question, and right for those saying "no.") 
 
The prime minister is Mr. Koizumi 
9(10)       3(3) 
The prime minister is from the Liberal Democratic Party 
7(5)       3(4) 
From the aspect of policies 
14(18)       26(21) 
Because of the coalition government 
4(3)       5(5) 
No particular reason 
7(7)       3(4) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)                    36       (36) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto)       14       (16) 
New Komeito (NK)                                   3        (3) 
 
TOKYO 00001039  002 OF 010 
 
 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP)                     2        (2) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto)          2        (1) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto)         0        (0) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon)            0        (0) 
Liberal League (LL or Jiyu Rengo)                  0        (0) 
None                                              38       (34) 
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K)                 5        (8) 
 
Q: Do you actually feel that income and other disparities are 
expanding in Japan? 
 
Yes       71 
No        20 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "yes") Do you think the expansion 
of such disparities has something to do with Prime Minister 
Koizumi's policy? 
 
Yes       35 
No        28 
 
Q: Prime Minister Koizumi has pushed for a 'small government' 
policy that privatizes administrative services as far as possible 
to downsize administrative bodies. Would you like the next prime 
minister to take over this policy course? (One choice only) 
 
Yes                                      28 
Yes, but different ways preferable       47 
No                                       14 
 
Q: In the current Diet session, the government and the ruling 
coalition have been grilled over the Livedoor scandal and US beef 
embargo. Do you support Prime Minister Koizumi on these issues? 
 
Yes       22 
No        60 
 
Q: Do you think it would be better to limit the imperial throne 
to men only, or do you otherwise think it better to amend the law 
so as to allow women as well to succeed to the throne? 
(Parentheses denote the results of a survey conducted in November 
2005.) 
 
Men only         19       (10) 
Women, too       66       (78) 
 
 
Q: To date, Japan's emperors have all been descended from the 
male line. If a child born to a reigning empress were to become 
emperor, it would mean allowing an emperor of matrilineal descent 
for the first time in history. Do you think it would be better to 
sustain patrilineal succession to the imperial throne as ever, or 
do you otherwise think it would be all right to accept emperors 
of matrilineal descent? 
 
Patrilineal succession only       26       (17) 
Matrilineal succession, too       60       (71) 
 
Q: Prime Minister Koizumi said he would introduce an Imperial 
House Law amendment bill to the Diet at the current session 
allowing female-line accession to the imperial throne. But after 
Her Imperial Highness Princess Kiko was found pregnant, he gave 
up presenting the bill to the Diet during the current session. Do 
 
TOKYO 00001039  003 OF 010 
 
 
you think his judgment was appropriate? 
 
Yes       60 
No        27 
 
Q: The Imperial House Law stipulates imperial succession and 
imperial family members. When thinking of the future, do you 
think it would be better to leave the law intact as is? 
 
Yes       28 
No        52 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Feb. 18-19 over the 
telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. 
This RDD formula chooses persons for the survey from among all 
eligible voters throughout the nation on a three-sage random- 
sampling basis. Valid answers were obtained from 1,979 persons 
(59%). 
 
(2) Minshuto's Nagata to apologize over Horie e-mail; Focus to 
shift to leadership's responsibility; President Maehara eager to 
maintain current leadership, while Diet affairs chief Noda ready 
to resign 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) 
February 27, 2006 
 
The Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) leadership intends to 
put an early end to the e-mail hullabaloo with a formal apology 
by its member Hisayasu Nagata for charging the second son of 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Secretary General Tsutomu Takebe 
of receiving money from former Livedoor Co. President Takafumi 
Horie. Although President Seiji Maehara seems determined to 
maintain the current party leadership, his stance may draw fire 
from the public and from within the party. The focus is expected 
to shift soon to the responsibility of the party leadership. 
 
Maehara appeared on an NHK talk show yesterday in which he 
acknowledged the leadership was at fault for allowing Nagata to 
confront Takebe without verifying the e-mail's credibility: "Our 
efforts to investigate the case and attack the LDP were 
insufficient. We keenly feel responsible for the consequences." 
Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama also indicated yesterday that 
 
SIPDIS 
the party leadership would make an apology following Nagata's to 
further douse the flames. 
 
Maehara claimed on the same talk show that his party had pinned 
down bank accounts used for fund transfers. The Minshuto leader 
also indicated on a TV-Asahi program that the party leadership 
would fulfill its responsibility by continuing to work hard to 
uncover the truth behind the e-mail, saying, "We have obtained 
solid evidence to prove the existence of a huge black pit." 
 
Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Yoshihiko Noda appearing on the 
same TV-Asahi program disagreed: 
 
"We failed to verity the source of the information before Nagata 
took the floor as a questioner. We advised Nagata to get out 
front on the issue, but we wrongly assumed that new information 
would follow." 
 
According to Noda, Nagata reported to the party that he had 
obtained a copy of the e-mail in question from a highly reliable 
 
TOKYO 00001039  004 OF 010 
 
 
source, insisting that the channel would collapse if other 
Minshuto members became involved. But the contact turned out to 
be only a freelance reporter, and not an original informant. 
 
Noda later revealed to the press his intention to resign as chief 
of the Diet Affairs Committee in order to end the turmoil in the 
party, noting, "I am always most responsible for anything that 
occurs at the Diet. I will ponder now how I should take 
responsibility for the e-mail flap, based on severe criticism." 
 
The party plans to clarify the leadership's responsibility after 
releasing the results of its investigation following Nagata's 
apology. Ironing out views in the party may encounter 
difficulties. 
 
(3) GSDF gives up organizing new regiment under Central Readiness 
Command 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Full) 
February 26, 2006 
 
The Ground Self-Defense Force (GSDF) has called off its plan to 
organize a rapid deployment regiment (RDR) as an element under 
the Central Readiness Command (CRC), a 3,200-strong unit designed 
to cope with newly emerging threats and command GSDF personnel 
participating in Japan's international peace cooperation 
activities, sources revealed. The CRC is a centerpiece of Japan's 
new defense plan called the National Defense Program Guidelines 
(NDPG), which was formerly known as the National Defense Program 
Outline or NDPO for short. However, the CRC will likely have no 
regiment when it is launched in March next year. 
 
The RDR, unlike other infantry regiments, has no districts to 
cover and is called to mobilize its troops across the nation. Its 
constituent troops are expected to deal with guerrilla attacks 
and serve as an advance team of troops on overseas missions. The 
defense white paper of 2005 also describes the RDR's 
establishment. 
 
According to the GSDF Ground Staff Office's blueprint, the RDR 
was a unit at the manning level of 500-1,000 and was to base its 
troops at the GSDF's Utsunomiya garrison. The GSDF planned to 
make up the RDR with troops from four regiments that belong to 
the 12th Brigade, which is designated as an airborne brigade and 
based in the village of Shinto, Gumma Prefecture. 
 
The GSDF, however, could not afford to do so. The GSDF therefore 
gave up that plan last year. Instead, the GSDF will study an 
alternative plan in fiscal 2007 or afterward to employ a regiment 
that usually has officers only at its headquarters and will call 
up Defense Forces (SDF) reserves as needed. 
 
Accordingly, the CRC will have no mobile regiment even after its 
headquarters is established. As a result, its mobility will be 
substantially restrictive. 
 
Last October, the Japanese and US governments released an interim 
report on the planned realignment of US forces in Japan, 
incorporating an agreement to locate the CRC at Camp Zama, a US 
Army base in Kanagawa Prefecture. The Defense Agency has 
explained in its briefing of local authorities that the GSDF 
would station an infantry regiment at Sagami Depot, also a US 
Army facility in Kanagawa Prefecture. 
 
TOKYO 00001039  005 OF 010 
 
 
 
That regiment, according to the Defense Agency's explanation, is 
not the RDR. However, the GSDF neither plans to establish any 
other infantry regiment, nor does it plan to redeploy troops from 
other GSDF garrisons. Earlier in the year, the Defense Agency 
gave up deploying GSDF troops to Sagami Depot. This is presumably 
linked to the decision to forego the RDR's establishment. 
 
(4) FTA talks with 6 Gulf nations to start in July; Government 
determined to secure resources 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) 
February 27, 2006 
 
The government has decided to launch talks on a free trade 
agreement (FTA) with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), 
consisting of 6 Persian Gulf nations in July. One procedure 
before starting FTA talks has been to hold study meetings to sort 
out key points of arguments. However, talks with the GCC will 
take an unusual course of omitting this process. The GCC supplies 
approximately 70% of Japan's crude oil imports. The aim to sign 
an FTA with the GCC is to secure a stable supply of resources 
through a reinforced relationship with those gulf nations. 
Another aim is to counter China, which has already started FTA 
talks with it. 
 
The GCC, consisting of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar 
and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), is a customs union. It is the 
fourth largest trade partner for Japan, following China, the US 
and South Korea, at about 6.8 trillion yen in 2004. Japan plans 
to seek the abolition of a 5% tariff imposed by the GCC. It also 
intends to discuss a preferential crude oil supply to Japan in 
the event of emergencies, such as war. 
 
China started FTA talks with the GCC in Apr. last year. Europe 
and the US are also pursuing such talks with it. Japan is thus 
lagging behind the trend. There has been concern that if the 
situation were left unattended, it would have a negative impact 
on the nation's procurement of resources, including crude oil. 
 
It is a usual practice to sort out before starting FTA talks 
agenda items over a year or so at such a setting as study 
meetings. The government has judged that since agenda items for 
talks with the GCC would be limited to such issues as tariffs, 
resources and investment, advance panel discussions would not be 
needed. Foreign Minister Taro Aso this month has ordered 
accelerated FTA talks with the GCC. The Japan Business Federation 
(Nippon Keidanren) has also submitted a written request to the 
government and the ruling camp to launch FTA talks with the GCC 
at an early date. 
 
Japan's FTA talks standings 
 
Signed 
Singapore 
Mexico 
 
Package agreement reached 
Malaysia 
Thailand 
Philippines 
 
Talks under way 
 
TOKYO 00001039  006 OF 010 
 
 
South Korea (under suspension) 
ASEAN (Association of South-East Asian Nations) 
Indonesia 
Chile 
 
Major FTA candidates 
India 
Australia 
Switzerland 
Vietnam 
South Africa 
 
(5) Editorial: US beef - higher hurdle to clear before winning 
Japanese confidence 
 
YOMIURI (Page 3) (Full) 
February 26, 2006 
 
Can the recent USDA report be taken as a step forward to win 
Japanese confidence in US beef? 
 
The US Department of Agriculture (USDA) recently provided a 
report to Japan, aiming for the lifting of Japan's second ban on 
US beef imports that has continued since specified risk materials 
(SRM) - where the BSE agent is prone to accumulate - were found 
in a portion of US beef shipments to Japan. The report is being 
closely examined by Japanese officials. 
 
According to the report, the reason why beef with SRM was shipped 
to Japan was because a US meat packer and a US Department of 
Agriculture (USDA) inspector were both unaware that the removal 
of SRM was required for beef exports to Japan. 
 
As preventive measures against a recurrence, the report comes up 
with the 15-item steps, including inspections by more than one 
inspector, surprise inspections and also thorough dissemination 
of guidelines for meat packers. 
 
Frankly acknowledging a mistake, the US government has worked out 
those measures to improve the inspection system. This response is 
only natural. 
 
Agriculture Minister Nakagawa has said the report is still 
inadequate, indicating he will ask the US to come up with an 
additional report. If there are questionable points, Japan needs 
to seek answers. But if the US explanations are convincing, it is 
only natural to sit down at the negotiating table and decide 
whether to lift the import ban. It is not a wise policy to leave 
the US with the impression that Japan is intentionally trying to 
delay the lifting of the ban. 
 
What Japan should do when it moves on to talks on the resumption 
of imports is to request a full implementation of the set of 15 
measures presented by the US. Whatever rules are hammered out, if 
these are not observed, the report would simply end up 
meaningless. 
 
What Japan should do before making a decision on whether to 
resume US beef imports for instance, inspecting US 
slaughterhouses to see if workers there have a correct grip on 
Japan's import requirements. 
 
Doing so is necessary, given that there was the gap between Japan 
 
TOKYO 00001039  007 OF 010 
 
 
and the US when Japan decided to resume US beef imports in last 
December. 
 
The US has authorized 40 slaughterhouses as beef exporters to 
Japan. One of such facilities shipped beef to Japan while Japan's 
inspection of some of such facilities was continuing. 
 
Japan's understanding at the time was that after Japan completed 
its inspections in the US, US beef exports would be resumed, but 
the US understanding was otherwise. 
 
In addition, the inspector who let the beef be shipped to Japan 
had neither received export procedure training nor had he been 
made aware of the export requirements, according to the appendix 
to the report. 
 
Aside from this report, the US has disclosed that downer cattle, 
unable to walk and not allowed to use for human consumption, were 
slaughtered for human consumption. 
 
Every time a problem like these occurs, Japan increases its 
concerns. The US needs to thoroughly disseminate BSE measures at 
home. 
 
Should a similar problem be repeated in the US, it would not be 
easy at all to win Japanese confidence in US beef. The US ought 
to keep this point in mind. 
 
(6) Editorial: One year after enactment of Kyoto Protocol; The 
situation is not that pessimistic 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
February 22, 2006 
 
It has been a year since the Kyoto Protocol, which aimed to 
prevent global warming, went into effect. During the past year, 
signatory nations agreed to make efforts to achieve their targets 
of cutting back on carbon dioxide emissions on such occasions as 
the G-8 and the First Meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto 
Protocol. The situation is such that even the US, which walked 
out of the framework, has to admit that human-induced global 
warming is progressing. 
 
The pact sets that industrialized nations, the former USSR and 
East Europe cut back on emissions of greenhouse gasses, such as 
carbon dioxide, 5.2% in average in a period from 2008 through 
2012, from the 1990 level. It, however, is not easy to achieve 
this target. When it comes to the issue of drafting a framework 
for 2013 and after, there appears to be few prospects. That is 
because developing countries, whose greenhouse gas emissions are 
sharply increasing, as well as the US, are reluctant to the 
undertake the obligation to reduce such emissions. 
 
However, the situation is not really that bad. Not all American 
people take a negative stance toward the global warming issue. It 
is advantageous for companies to be assessed as being positive 
about cutting emissions of carbon dioxide. As a matter of fact, 
many companies are making efforts to trim such emissions. In 
other words, cutbacks on carbon dioxide emissions mean cutting 
back on oil consumption. Such efforts will boost corporate 
competitiveness over the long term. 
 
The energy issue is a pressing issue for the US, as can be seen 
 
TOKYO 00001039  008 OF 010 
 
 
in the fact that President Bush cited a policy of emerging from 
reliance on oil in the State of the Union address this year. It 
would be difficult to expect the present administration to accept 
a framework similar to the Kyoto Protocol, but the administration 
is positive toward technical cooperation. The US is, for 
instance, a member of the Asia-Pacific Partnership (APP) along 
with Japan, Australia, South Korea, China and India. In addition, 
California and main northwest states have independently adopted 
reduction targets or begun carbon emissions trading. Some members 
of the US Congress, albeit still a minority, have begun to call 
for mandating carbon dioxide emissions cuts. 
 
China and India are giving priority to achieving economic growth, 
but they are also indicating strong interest in energy-conserving 
technologies and technologies to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. 
They have expressed hope for technical cooperation in the steel 
and cement industries. They are beginning to realize that 
excessive oil consumption and global warming will put a dent on 
the uptrend of their economies. The next step for them to take is 
to join the post-Kyoto Protocol framework. 
 
It appears hard for Japan to achieve the targeted 6% cut from the 
1990 level. It is, however, about to complete a framework for the 
Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and a carbon emissions trading 
system. Basically, it should make efforts to achieve the target 
by cutting domestic emissions. However, under the present 
circumstance, in which its emissions volume in 2003 increased 
8.3% from the 1990 level, it would have to use various mechanisms 
allowed under the pact to a considerable degree. Household 
electric appliance manufacturers are continuing efforts to 
manufacture energy-conserving products, and automakers are 
hitting the market with higher fuel efficiency models. 
 
A steady approach like this is a real measure to reduce global 
warming, but more efforts are also needed. It is imperative to 
constrain oil consumption and carbon dioxide emissions and to 
facilitate technical development through international 
cooperation to achieve that end. That is because global warming 
is not the issue concerning one region or one country. Border- 
crossing measures are needed. 
 
(7) A report from San Francisco, birthplace of Japan-US alliance 
 
By Hisayoshi Ina, Nihon Keizai Shimbun editorial writer, in San 
Francisco 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Abridged) 
February 26, 2006 
 
Japan Airline's first international route was between San 
Francisco and Tokyo, and the reversal was its second 
international route. Japan Airlines was followed by All Nippon 
Airways, which provided services between Washington and Tokyo. 
 
There has been a large Japanese community in San Francisco 
overlooking the Pacific. The Treaty of Peace with Japan and the 
Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the 
United States were also concluded in San Francisco in 1951. 
 
Long serving as a frontier of relations between the two 
countries, San Francisco is also the birthplace of the Japan-US 
alliance. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001039  009 OF 010 
 
 
Co-chaired by Japanese Ambassador to the US Nobuo Matsunaga and 
James Kelly, who later became assistant secretary of state, the 
Japan-US security seminar was first held at the prestigious 
Fairmount Hotel in March 1995. Former Deputy Secretary of State 
Richard Armitage demonstrated a significant presence. 
 
Relations between Tokyo and Washington were clearly lacking 
momentum under the Murayama administration in Japan and the 
Clinton administration in the US. The seminar was planned by a 
handful of leaders, including Japanese Consul General in San 
Francisco Ryozo Kato, currently Ambassador to the US, who was 
eager to bring changes to the bilateral relationship. 
 
In the session, Assistant Secretary of Defense Joseph Nye 
delivered a keynote speech in which he elaborated on the so- 
called Nye Report. National defense analyst Michael Green, who 
later became White House Senior Asian Director, handed out purple 
booklets titled, Redefining the US-Japan Alliance. 
 
Japanese and US diplomatic authorities had been dragging their 
heels, but their reluctance ended in April 1996 with the release 
of the Japan-US Joint Declaration, a historic document specifying 
the significance of the Japan-US alliance of the post-Cold War 
era. 
 
The 12th Japan-US security meeting was held this Feb. 22-23, 
which brought together Armitage, Kelly, Green and others who were 
no longer with the US government. The meeting focused on Iran and 
China. 
 
The US side questioned Japan's readiness to go along with a UN 
Security Council decision to impose sanctions on Iran. Some 
Japanese members expressed support for sanctions, while some 
others pointed out a difference in energy situations between 
Japan and the US. 
 
Voices fearing that visits to Yasukuni Shrine by the Japanese 
prime minister would end up putting China at an advantage in 
today's international image war did not draw any objections. 
Although such developments more or less alluded to China's 
victory in the image war, I do not think things are going to be 
that simple. 
 
The discussion was based on the theory that the Japan-US 
alliance, for instance, would constrain China from pressing Japan 
for compromises on non-Yasukuni issues, such as gas fields in the 
East China Sea even if Japan made concessions on the Yasukuni 
issue. The discussion sounded like a message to Japan's new 
leader after Koizumi. 
 
Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick's remarks describing 
China as a responsible stakeholder was also a hot topic. I had a 
chance to meet Zoellick in person in Washington. 
 
Zoellick explained that the notion of a stakeholder carried wide- 
ranging significance transcending that of shareholder and that 
the term's difficulty to put into Chinese helped him discuss 
matters thoroughly with Chinese authorities. 
 
I believer Zoellick urged China to play a role befitting its 
international's position not only in the economy but also all 
other areas. It was a warning that a free ride would not be 
allowed. 
 
TOKYO 00001039  010 OF 010 
 
 
 
That argument was often heard two decades ago at the height of 
Japan-US trade disputes. There is a trend in Japan to equate the 
stakeholder argument with a pro-China policy course of the United 
States. Such a trend will only give rise to a misunderstanding. 
 
(Corrected copy)  Poll: 58% see no need for Maehara to resign; 
DPJ substantially down in public support 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
February 27, 2006 
 
Kyodo News conducted a telephone-based spot nationwide public 
opinion survey on Feb. 25-26 over an opposition Democratic Party 
of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) lawmaker's parliamentary pursuit of 
Livedoor's alleged emailed order to send money to an LDP 
executive's son. In the survey, respondents were asked if they 
thought DPJ President Seiji Maehara should resign as party 
president. In response to this question, 27.6% answered "yes", 
with 58.7% saying "no" though he is responsible, and 7.8% saying 
he is not responsible. 
 
Public support for the DPJ was 11.3 %, showing a substantial drop 
of 5.7 percentage points from the last telephone-based poll in 
January. The figure is the lowest ever since the merger of the 
DPJ and the Liberal Party in October 2003, and it shows the 
public's wavering trust in the DPJ. 
 
In the survey, respondents were also asked if they thought 
Hisayasu Nagata, a House of Representatives member who took up 
the email issue in the Diet, should resign his Diet seat. In 
response to this question, "yes" accounted for 37.6% with "no" at 
22.9%. However, 37.9% answered they "can't say which." Nagata's 
future course seems to be up to how the DPJ handles the email 
issue. 
 
The approval rating for the Koizumi cabinet was 51.8%, down 1.1 
points from the last survey. The disapproval rating was 37.2%, up 
2.9 points. In the breakdown of reasons for supporting the 
Koizumi cabinet, 38.2% picked "there's no other appropriate 
person," up 8.0 points from the last survey. However, there was a 
decrease in the proportion of positive reasons, such as "because 
something can be expected of its administrative reform." In 
particular, the proportion of those picking "because something 
can be expected of its foreign policies" dropped to 0.3%. 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted over a period of 
two days, Feb. 25-26, on a random digit dialing (RDD) basis. The 
computer-aided RDD methodology, which makes and puts out 
telephone numbers at random for polling, can survey those who do 
not have their telephone numbers listed in telephone directories. 
Among those randomly generated telephone numbers, those actually 
for household use with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,488. 
Answers were obtained from 1,027 persons. 
 
SCHIEFFER