This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 KABUL 000460 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
 
NSC FOR AHARRIMAN, KAMEND 
DEPT FOR SA/FO, AMBASSADOR QUINN, SA/PAB, S/CT, SA/A 
CENTCOM FOR POLAD 
REL NATO/AUST/NZ/ISAF 
 
E.O. 12958 N/A 
TAGS: PREL PGOV PTER PINR AF
SUBJECT: PRT Panjshir:  The Political Context 
 
REF: KABUL 00452 
 
Summary 
------- 
 
¶1.  (SBU) The political dynamics in Panjshir Province 
are changing.  Political standing, in the old 
paradigm, was based on ones closeness to Ahmed Shah 
Massoud, the Mujahideen leader assassinated in 
September 2001.  But a new paradigm is emerging. 
Political clout derives more and more from ones 
s 
position in the new institutions of the Bonn process. 
For the PRT, the heavyweight in day-to-day politics is 
Governor Bahlul.  His main ally among Panjshiris in 
the central government is Parliament Speaker Qanooni. 
End Summary. 
 
¶2.  (U) This is the second message of a three-part 
series.  The first (reftel) dealt with the security 
environment in Panjshir; the third will examine the 
economic outlook. 
 
Old Paradigm:  Massoud 
---------------------- 
 
¶3.  (U) Ahmed Shah Massoud, the Mujahideen leader 
slain two days before 9/11, is a central touchstone 
for Panjshir politics.  He is the Lion of Panjshir. 
His legacy, like his tomb, dominates the valley.  His 
picture hangs in the office of every local official, 
sometimes next to President Karzai, sometimes alone. 
In certain parts of the valley, the reverence 
approaches cult status.  (In the living room of 
Foreign Minister Abdullah, there are Massoud 
depictions in large and small photographs, oil 
paintings, even an etching in marble.) 
 
¶4.  (U) A visit to the Massouds tomb is mandatory for 
local politicians and foreign dignitaries.  The 
largest gatherings in Panjshir occur around the 
anniversary of his death, when hundreds congregate. 
The drive up from Kabul passes through several Massoud 
arches, including at the mouth of the valley, to 
remind visitors they are entering Massoud territory. 
As the Governor, a former comrade of Massoud, put it 
to us recently, you cant know about Panjshir without 
Massoud, and about Massoud without Panjshir. 
 
¶5.  (U) Panjshiri contacts tell us that closeness to 
Massoud during his life determined ones political 
standing after his death.  For example, Marshall Fahim 
Khan, a key deputy of Massoud, became one of the 
heavyweights of Panjshir, along with Qanooni and 
Abdullah.  His brother, Zia Massoud, can partly 
ascribe his rise to first vice president because of 
his name (if not to his role in the campaigns against 
the Soviets and Taliban).  Several of our sources drew 
rew 
our attention to a large convoy, totaling over thirty 
cars, which traveled to Massouds tomb Jan. 12 during 
the Eid celebration.  They said it transported the 
political elite of Panjshir:  VP Massoud, Meshrano 
Jirga (MJ-Upper House) member Fahim Khan, General 
Bismullah Khan, Speaker Qanooni and Governor Bahlul. 
 
¶6.  (U) NDS Chief Amrullah Saleh, another Panjshiri, 
told the PRT last fall that Panjshiris had three 
distinguishing sensitivities:  their identity was 
drawn from the Massoud-led resistance; their pride 
mattered; and their contribution to the Bonn process 
was considerable and merited respect. 
 
New Paradigm: Bonn 
------------------ 
 
¶7.  (U) Salehs remarks suggest the transition in 
Panjshir from the old to a new political paradigm. 
New political forces are arising in Panjshir, anchored 
in the institutions of the Bonn process.  The Massoud 
legacy is beginning to fade. 
¶8.  (U) At the center of day-to-day politics stands 
Governor Bahlul.  In terms of operational prowess, he 
e 
is without peer.  A Karzai appointment, he has a 
Massoud connection, but a strained one.  He served as 
one of Massouds commanders before they had a falling 
out in the late 1990s, and Bahlul left with his family 
for Tehran. 
 
¶9.  (SBU) Bahlul cites Speaker Qanooni and VP Massoud 
as his closest political allies.  He coordinates 
closely with Massoud on issues likely to stir 
controversy in Panjshir, such as DDR removal of 
weapons and ammunition.  Bahlul told us of his hopes 
that Qanooni, now elevated to Speaker of the Wolesi 
Jirga (WJ-Lower House), will become a powerful figure 
in Kabul looking after Panjshiri interests.  The PRT 
has strong ties to Qanoonis village in Panjshir, 
where we are building a micro-hydro plant.  MJ member 
Aref is also a close ally of Bahlul, but more in the 
role of financial backer than political adviser.  The 
PRT has close ties to Aref, from whom we rent one of 
our houses. 
 
¶10.  (SBU) Tension between Bahlul and Saleh was 
evident for several months late last year.  Saleh, 
, 
Bahlul feared, was tying to undercut him in 
governmental circles.  But reportedly a group of high- 
ranking Panjshiris in Kabul called the two together to 
bury the hatchet.  Criticism of Saleh, once a regular 
feature of Bahluls private talks with us, has now 
ceased. 
 
¶11.  (U) Bahlul has allied himself with the PRT.  His 
public speeches are supportive of the PRT.  His 
standard themes, used at various events before 
hundreds of Panjshiris, include the following: 
 
The PRT is here to help.  It can usher in a new era 
of prosperity.  Its projects, especially the road 
work, can transform the province.  Panjshiris should 
unite to support it and guarantee its security.  The 
U.S. is not here to occupy, like the Soviets, but to 
assist.  Panjshir forged a strategic partnership with 
the U.S. in the common struggle against the Soviets 
and terrorists.  Panjshiris should consider the deeds 
of the PRT, look at its projects, and disregard any 
anti-PRT propaganda.  This is a golden opportunity 
that only comes once. 
. 
 
¶12.  (SBU) Bahlul told us January 19 that he was 
confident of the success of two recent undertakings: 
establishment of the PRT and consolidation of 
security.  Now, he said, he was turning his attention 
to another pressing matter, the DDR/DIAG process. 
 
¶13.  (SBU) The new Provincial Council represents a 
Bonn-based political force in Panjshir.  Each of its 
nine members has pledged to work closely with the PRT. 
One of its members, Abdul Wajeb, has taken pains to 
help the PRT establish itself in a house in his 
village of Anabah.  A Bahlul ally and former 
Mujahideen medic, Wajeb has committed himself to help 
the PRT with community relations and policy issues, 
like DDR/DIAG.  He outlined his understanding of the 
new political institutions:  PC members should bring 
local concerns to the attention of the provincial and 
central governments; MJ and WJ members should 
represent the central government in the provinces. 
 
¶14.  (U) In our talks in the valley, we hear several 
themes concerning the National Assembly.  Some 
villagers express low expectations about the efficacy 
of the new parliament.  Others tell us they want their 
representatives not so much to lobby for Panjshir but 
rather to focus on national interests.  Almost all 
stated their intention to judge the parliament by its 
deeds, not words. 
 
Comment 
------- 
 
¶15.  (SBU) The PRT understands the legend of Massoud 
and the symbolism of his tomb.  And yet Massoud is 
lionized for the past more than studied for the 
future.  His legacy is fading, in part because he left 
behind no coherent set of political ideas.  The PRT is 
intent on working with Panjshiri politicians who, with 
or without a Massoud connection, have an institutional 
base and an operational capability.  For the PRT, 
Bahlul is the go-to guy for coordination of our 
activities.  The PRT can reinforce the standing of 
politicians of the new paradigm by working with them, 
thus strengthening good governance in the province. 
 
NORLAND 
D