This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 HANOI 002364 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
 
STATE FOR EAP/BCLTV AND INR/B 
 
E.O. 12958:  N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PINS PREL PINR VM
SUBJECT:  POLITBURO MEMBER TRAN DINH HOAN ON PARTY AFFAIRS 
 
Ref:  A.  Hanoi 2175       B. Hanoi 1698 
-     C.  02 Hanoi 1653    D. 02 Hanoi 0156 
 
¶1.  (SBU)  Summary.  Politburo member Tran Dinh Hoan 
welcomed improving U.S.-Vietnam relations, called for more 
high-level visits and mutual understanding, claimed that the 
CPV was tackling the major problem of corruption in its own 
way, and explained how the Ho Chi Minh National Political 
Academy continually adjusted its curriculum in response to 
evolving domestic and international conditions.  (Septel 
will examine Party-Government relations, including comments 
by Hoan on this topic.)  In Ambassador's first meeting, Hoan 
was amiable if generally circumspect.  He was most voluble 
when talking about the sensitive issue of corruption.  While 
Hoan called for more regular contacts, we suspect he and 
other Politburo members will continue to prove to be 
difficult to meet.  Hoan's own influence within the CPV will 
likely be great over the coming decades, given his current 
ability to shape careers of all promising cadres.  End 
summary. 
 
¶2.  (U)  Ambassador and Pol/C on September 16 called on Tran 
Dinh Hoan, simultaneously #14 on the fifteen-man Politburo 
of the Communist Party of Vietnam, head of the Ho Chi Minh 
National Political Academy, and Chairman of the Organization 
Commission of the CPV's Central Committee.   Hoan was joined 
by Pham Tien Nhiem, Director of the CPV's Commission on 
External Relations' Northwest Europe and Americas 
Department, and Luu Dat Thuyet, Director of the HCM 
Academy's Department of International Cooperation.  This was 
Ambassador's first meeting with Hoan, following submission 
of several appointment requests over the past months. 
 
U.S.-Vietnam relations 
-------------------- 
 
¶3.  (U)  Hoan labeled bilateral ties as "normal" now, 
especially in the wake of the entry into effect of the 
Bilateral Trade Agreement, and reiterated that Vietnam was 
"ready" to cooperate with all nations in every aspect.  He 
welcomed "more and closer" relations between the HCM Academy 
and the U.S., especially with U.S. research institutes and 
universities. 
 
¶4.  (U)  Hoan made a plea for better mutual understanding 
between Vietnam and the U.S., as the two nations cooperate 
toward common goals.  "Without mutual understanding, how can 
we cooperate," he asked.  He lamented the influence of "bad 
lemons" in the U.S., whom he also labeled "political 
opportunists," in seeking the passage of various 
legislations related to the former Vietnamese flag as well 
as the Vietnam Human Rights Act.  Ambassador suggested that 
the CPV might consider reappraising some of its post-1975 
policies that had led to sentences in "reeducation camps" 
for many of the now-U.S. based Viet Kieu and had caused such 
long-standing bitterness.  He also explained the primacy of 
the Federal Government in the conduct of foreign affairs, 
and reiterated that since the USG had formally established 
diplomatic relations with the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, 
the initiatives of localities and states on the flag issue 
were not genuinely important.  Hoan said that he and other 
leaders understand this point, but it is difficult for the 
average Vietnamese to comprehend. 
 
¶5.  (U) Hoan called for more direct contacts, especially 
among high-level officials, further to improve relations. 
He noted that Vietnam was "trying to facilitate" the visit 
to the U.S. of Defense Minister General Pham Van Tra later 
this year, as well as other senior GVN officials.  He noted 
that the Executive Vice Chairman of the CPV's Commission on 
External Relations would also be visiting the U.S. this 
fall, at the invitation of the U.S. Communist Party.  He 
confirmed that Vietnam wished bilateral relations to 
continue to develop and that Vietnam's attitude was to "set 
aside the past and look toward the future." 
 
Corruption 
---------- 
 
¶6.  (U)  Hoan admitted that corruption in Vietnam (ref a 
described CPV's ongoing efforts aimed against corruption) 
was a "big problem," which he compared to a "drug." 
However, he noted this was a "global" phenomenon against 
which each country should take different measures, depending 
on national circumstances.  He warned against "pressuring" 
other countries to follow any one country's own practices, 
and cited the importance of "working with the people" to 
solve.  He agreed with Ambassador's observation that, in the 
U.S., the competition between political parties as well as a 
free press had proved to be effective tools.  Hoan claimed 
that Vietnam was also using the media to expose corruption, 
as well as laws, enforcement efforts, and "public opinion." 
He pointed to the Nam Cam trial (the appeal phase of which 
began September 15 for 69 defendants) as a large-scale case 
that had even convicted two former CPV Central Committee 
members.  He admitted that confidence in the CPV would erode 
if the CPV did not handle well the problem of corruption, 
and said that this would be a major topic of the mid-term 
(i.e. half-way through the 2001-2005 term of the 9th Party 
Congress) CPV plenum. 
 
Role of the Party school 
------------------------ 
 
¶7.  (U)  Ambassador welcomed the growing ties between the 
Embassy and the Academy, especially with its Centers on 
Human Rights and on Religious Studies (refs b-d), and 
expressed a hope for more contacts with U.S. scholars and 
experts.  He offered to help arrange speakers and other 
presentations from the U.S., as well as personally to come 
and discuss U.S.-Vietnam relations with faculty and staff, 
if desired. 
 
¶8.  (U)  Hoan explained that the Academy was responsible for 
the training of the cadres who will be the future "leaders 
of the Party and State as well as mass organizations," and 
also undertook research projects in order to contribute to 
the development of CPV policy and guidance.  He noted that 
students came from both the local and central levels for the 
two-year course, usually only after having been graduated 
from a recognized university.  He said that future leaders 
"should" in principle study at the Academy, but that it was 
not "obligatory" for promotion.  He also claimed that the 
Academy was in principle open to anyone who wished to 
attend, even private entrepreneurs. 
 
¶9.  (U)  In response to Ambassador's question, Hoan 
explained that the Academy was continually updating and 
improving its curriculum, citing new programs over the past 
decade on economic development, religion, ethnic affairs, 
and integration in the world economy.  Deputy Prime Minister 
Vu Khoan himself, as well as other Ministers, sometimes 
lectured at these courses, he noted.  Hoan stressed the 
value for students of hearing about practical experiences 
and "reality" as well as theory.  He added that the Academy 
was still thinking of ways to broaden its scope further in 
ways that would be "fruitful" for its student body. 
 
Comment and bio note 
-------------------- 
 
¶10.  (SBU)  Embassy interaction at the Politburo level is 
rare, and we suspect future meetings with Hoan will be few 
despite his calls for more regular exchanges and better 
understanding.  Hoan was a pleasant if not especially 
outgoing interlocutor.  He seemed to come most to life 
during the discussion of corruption.  His behind-the-scenes 
influence as head of the Organization Commission (the 
personnel guru for the CPV, and hence in practice for the 
State as well) is undoubtedly great, although he downplayed 
its importance.  (Note:  his long-time predecessor was 
current National Assembly Chairman Nguyen Van An, # 12 in 
the Politburo. end note)  Hoan's background -- as an expert 
in labor economics and a former Minister of Labor, Invalids, 
and Social Affairs -- is unusual among Politburo members. 
It is unclear what clout or patronage was responsible for 
his being tapped for both the Organization Commission and 
HCM Academy, a joint assignment that positions him unusually 
well for placing his protgs throughout the system.  At age 
64, his own prospects for further promotions are not 
brilliant, but the network of cadres he will assign and 
train will likely keep his voice alive for decades.  As 
such, his positive comments on U.S.-Vietnam relations are 
especially welcome. 
BURGHARDT