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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 MANAGUA 002741 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPARTMENT FOR WHA/CEN 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/21/2016 
TAGS: PGOV PINR PREL KDEM ECON ENGR MARR PTER NU
SUBJECT: DISCUSSIONS ON NEXT STEPS WITH FSLN INTERMEDIARY 
SANTOS 
 
REF: A. MANAGUA 2724 
     ¶B. MANAGUA 2691 
     ¶C. MANAGUA 2611 
     ¶D. MANAGUA 2608 
 
Classified By: Ambassador Paul A. Trivelli. Reasons 1.4 (B,D). 
 
¶1.  (C) Summary:  During Sandinista National Liberation Front 
(FSLN) Foreign Affairs Secretary Samuel Santos' recent 
meeting with DCM and polcouns, he confirmed his appointment 
as Foreign Minister and requested to meet with State 
Department officials in Washington before President-elect 
Daniel Ortega's inauguration.  Underscoring the need for the 
new government to ensure the security of U.S. citizens and 
their investments in Nicaragua, the DCM noted that new 
National Assembly reform bill (Ref. A.) allowing the 
legislature to summon foreign individuals and entities to 
testify, or face possible incarceration, counters this 
interest and could discourage new U.S. investment.  He added 
that the bill's secret balloting provision signals a downturn 
in Nicaragua's efforts to increase government transparency. 
Santos downplayed rumors that Liberal Constitutional Party 
(PLC) leader/convicted money launderer Arnold Aleman will be 
soon be released, and noted our view that the FSLN would gain 
credibility by returning Aleman to jail.  End Summary. 
 
REQUEST FOR WASHINGTON MEETINGS 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶2.  (C) Over lunch on December 19, FSLN Foreign Affairs 
Secretary Samuel Santos shared with DCM and polcouns that 
President-elect Daniel Ortega has chosen him to serve as 
Foreign Minister, although the news is not yet public. 
Santos commented that he has already started meeting with 
Foreign Minister Norman Caldera and expects to retain all of 
the Ministry's civil servants and perhaps even some of the 
qualified political appointees.  He requested to meet with 
State Department officials before Ortega's inauguration on 
January 10, noting that a Washington session would underline 
that the "positive bilateral relations" initiated by 
Assistant Secretary Shannon's recent visit to Nicaragua 
continue on track.  He offered that a Washington visit would 
"balance" Ortega's recent trips to Cuba and Venezuela, 
commenting that Ortega frequently refers to his meeting with 
A/S Shannon in his discussions with third-country officials 
and with the Sandinista leadership.  (Note:  On December 20, 
Samuel Santos, who was recently granted a visa waiver for his 
212(a)(3)(B) ineligibility, was issued a one-year, multiple 
entry B1-B2 visa.  End Note.) 
 
INAUGURATION PLANS 
- - - - - - - - - 
 
¶3.  (C) The DCM noted that the U.S. presidential delegation 
attending the January 10 presidential inauguration will 
likely comprise three to four principals and that we will 
share the list once we receive it.  Santos replied that the 
entire U.S. delegation will be welcome to attend the events 
under the new government's control, but that he cannot 
intervene on those activities sponsored by the Bolanos 
government.  He added that the new government prefers a 
modest ceremony because excesses would be inappropriate for 
an impoverished country; he assured us, however, that there 
will be "no cutting corners on security matters." 
 
CONCERNS OVER THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY REFORM BILL 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶4.  (C) The DCM reiterated the need for the incoming 
Nicaraguan government to ensure that U.S. citizens, companies 
and organizations, and their investments in Nicaragua are 
duly protected.  He remarked that the new ways and means law 
(Organic Law) that will allow National Assembly committees to 
summon foreign individuals and entities to testify on any 
matter it deems relevant, or face possible incarceration, is 
a draconian measure that could infringe on the rights of all 
Nicaraguan residents, including U.S. citizens and companies. 
He added that, if the law is implemented as it stands, U.S. 
and other foreign investors may look elsewhere, suggesting 
that companies like Dole, which has been embroiled for years 
in the Nemagon suits filed against it, would likely never set 
foot in Nicaragua if the law passes.  Polcouns remarked that 
the fact that the Public Prosecutor's (fiscal) office and the 
judiciary are politicized makes the new law's provisions 
especially worrisome, citing the pro-Aleman fiscal's refusal 
to deliver the Panamanian court's summons to Aleman because 
he wishes to protect him.  Santos, who conceded that 
Nicaragua's judiciary leaves much to be desired, urged us to 
become more engaged with the judiciary as a means to reform 
it. 
 
¶5.  (C) Santos, who claimed that President Bolanos had 
reneged on his assurances that he would not veto the ways and 
means bill, acknowledged that the secret ballot provision is 
"not ideal" and that the Assembly's citation privilege could 
be abused for political interests.  He argued, however, that 
the legislature requires some sort of mechanism to summon 
individuals or entities possibly engaged in activities that 
hurt national interests.  (Note: President Bolanos vetoed the 
National Assembly's ways and means bill ("Ley Organica") on 
December 18.  Taking advantage of the absence of Nicaraguan 
Liberal Alliance (ALN)-affiliated Assembly President Eduardo 
Gomez, the FSLN and PLC caucuses immediately called for two 
extraordinary sessions on December 21 and 23 to override the 
veto.  End Note.) 
 
PROTECTING OUR CITIZENS AND INVESTMENT INTERESTS 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶6.  (C) The DCM then raised two cases involving U.S. 
citizens, the first the near lynching of Eric Volz (protect), 
who was arrested for his alleged involvement in the murder of 
his girlfriend in San Juan del Sur (Rivas department). 
Santos, who warned that he is unaware of the details of the 
case, shared that he had heard that the American may have 
been involved in an environmental NGO that had opposed a 
development project that included U.S. investment.  The 
developers may have set up the American, suggested Santos. 
He then inquired whether we have been in touch with Police 
Chief Aminta Granera.  DCM replied in the affirmative, adding 
that she has been helpful; however we found it prudent to 
issue a warden message to alert U.S. citizens in the area of 
possible protests associated with the case and that the case 
had drawn considerable U.S. Congressional interest. 
 
¶7.  (C) Santos grimaced, then reddened over news of our 
warden message.  He opined that the San Juan del Sur case is 
likely "an isolated case," and urged us to avoid "unnecessary 
alarm."  Santos then moved on to the subject of police 
support, urging us to support Aminta Granera's efforts to 
modernize and professionalize Nicaragua's police forces 
through equipment donations and training.  The DCM replied 
that we maintain constructive and cooperative relations with 
Granera and work closely with her, noting that recently an 
internal affairs consultant from the United States had 
visited Nicaragua to help determine how the police could 
improve their operations in this area.  (Comment: 
Nicaraguans, especially those like Santos who are involved in 
the tourism industry, flinch over U.S. travel warnings or any 
other messages that could deter potential travelers to 
Nicaragua.  Nonetheless, such warnings have at times have 
quickly remedied the situation in question.  For example, 
soon after we issued a travel warning related to a wave of 
violent, potentially lethal student demonstrations, the FSLN 
called off the demonstrations.  End Comment.) 
¶8.  (C) The DCM explained that the second case concerns stay 
orders (amparos) filed by an FSLN-associated judge on the 
Atlantic Coast against two U.S. firms who possess oil and gas 
exploration licenses for offshore sites.  According to these 
firms, Sandinista and pro-FSLN Yatama politicians are also 
involved in blocking the exploration activities.  Santos, who 
appeared alarmed over the situation, requested details on the 
case and promised to follow through.  (Note: We will provide 
him with the necessary information.  End Note.) 
 
ALEMAN 
- - - - 
 
¶9.  (C) To polcouns' reference to the growing chatter among 
Nicaragua's political class that Liberal Constitutional Party 
(PLC) leader/convicted money launderer Arnold Aleman will be 
soon be released and her observation that releasing Aleman 
would deal a serious blow to Nicaragua's anti-corruption 
efforts and could possibly affect some of our programs in 
Nicaragua, Santos was unequivocal: keeping Aleman in his 
current status is in the FSLN's best interests.  However, he 
intimated that "surprises" are always a possibility and that 
the PLC has "surprised" the FSLN before.  (Comment: According 
to ALN chief of staff Edmundo Leal, Ortega loyalist Manuel 
Coronel recently related to him that Aleman would be "freed 
in a few months" as part of Ortega's efforts to "reduce 
political tensions and increase governability."  Leal 
remarked that Coronel is a member of Ortega's "camp", which 
is more "radical" than future First Lady Rosario Murillo's 
clique, whose members include Samuel Santos and Assembly 
Deputy Edwin Castro.  The FSLN is likely to couch any 
eventual release of Aleman by blaming it on PLC machinations 
that caught the Sandinistas off guard.  End Comment.) 
 
¶10.  (C) Regarding additional cabinet appointments, Santos 
confirmed that Horacio Brenes will be the next Minister of 
Finance, Industry, and Commerce (MIFIC).  To our concerns 
that Lenin Cerna's wife, Marisol Castillo, who is mentioned 
as a candidate for Defense Minister, was involved in 
confiscations of properties owned by U.S. citizens and there 
is now talk of placing intelligence under the Defense 
Ministry, Santos clarified that while he has nothing to do 
with the appointments to the Ministries of Defense and 
Government, "Marisol is her own person" and independent from 
Lenin.  He also acknowledged, however, that appointing 
Castillo would serve to "placate" Cerna.  (Note:  In April, 
2002, Castillo was found subject to denial of a visa for 
entry in the United States under section 2225 of the Foreign 
Affairs Reform and Restructuring Act of 1998.  End Note.) 
 
ENERGY A HOT BUTTON ISSUE 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶11.  (C) Santos revisited the FSLN's interest in tackling 
Nicaragua's energy crisis even before the inauguration and 
mentioned that the new government will probably establish an 
Energy Ministry to deal with the issue.  He explained that 
the new ministry would probably encompass a number of the 
current disparate energy-related entities to resolve the 
crisis and possibly serve to regulate the industry. Santos 
also mentioned that the FSLN is negotiating with Venezuela to 
construct an Atlantic Coast-Pacific Coast oil pipeline and a 
refinery, most likely to be located on the Atlantic Coast. 
(Comment:  An Energy Ministry would consolidate Sandinista 
power over the sector.  We can expect the Ortega government 
will solicit assistance from the Venezuelans to advance this 
project in addition to their other joint energy initiatives. 
End Comment.) 
 
ABOUT CHAVEZ 
- - - - - - 
 
¶12.  (C) On the topic of Ortega's relationship with 
Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, Santos claimed he was the 
one who introduced Ortega to Chavez several years ago. 
Santos insisted that while the Ortega government will 
maintain close relations with Venezuela, it also seeks strong 
ties with the United States and does not intend to allow 
either relationship to affect the other.  Acknowledging that 
Venezuela was a smaller "elephant," he said, "We don't want 
to get trampled between two elephants as we did in the past." 
 Nicaragua, he explained, is an impoverished country that 
simply cannot afford to refuse the help of others.  Of 
course, it will accept assistance so long as it does not 
interfere with Nicaragua's sovereignty, clarified Santos. 
(Note: We are beginning to hear reports of the presence of 
numerous Venezuelan advisors in the National Energy Institute 
and the Rural Development Institute, as well as the visit of 
GOV security officials linked to Chavez's visit to Managua 
for Ortega's inauguration.  End Note.) 
 
MANPADS - DESTROY THE JUNK, NEGOTIATE THE OTHERS WITHIN A 
REGIONAL SECURITY FRAMEWORK 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
- - - - - - - 
 
¶13.  (C) Regarding the status of further MANPADS destruction, 
Santos opined that the MANPADS that are no longer in 
operative condition should be destroyed.  As for the 
remainder, the new Nicaraguan government should negotiate 
their destruction within a broader regional security 
framework, he said. 
 
COMMENT 
- - - - 
 
¶14.  (C) A wealthy entrepreneur, Santos is among the more 
moderate, pragmatic Sandinistas who do not want to risk their 
business interests or return to the dark days of the 
Sandinista era of the 1980s.  He privately admits the 
Sandinistas committed many errors in the past and claims his 
share of "collective responsibility."  Santos bends over 
backwards to couch his words in a way he believes will be 
palatable to our sensitivities and deftly tiptoes around 
particularly contentious issues.  Nonetheless, his 
rationalizations over the imperfections of Nicaragua's 
judiciary and indications that the Ortega government seeks to 
control all aspects of government and potentially society at 
large through draconian legislation, likely portend rougher 
waters ahead. 
TRIVELLI