VZCZCXYZ0000
PP RUEHWEB

DE RUEHMU #0417/01 0532300
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 222300Z FEB 06
FM AMEMBASSY MANAGUA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 5354
INFO RUEHZA/WHA CENTRAL AMERICAN COLLECTIVE
RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 0544
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC
RHEFDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHINGTON DC

C O N F I D E N T I A L MANAGUA 000417 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR WHA/CEN 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/22/2016 
TAGS: PGOV KDEM SOCI NU
SUBJECT: NICARAGUAN ELECTIONS REGIONAL REPORTING: RIVAS 
 
 
Classified By: Ambassador Paul Trivelli for reasons 1.4 (b and d) 
 
¶1. (C) Summary: With the November national elections still 
distant in the minds of the citizens of the southern 
Nicaraguan department of Rivas, none of the major candidates 
seems to have made a significant impact on the views of the 
voting public.  That stated, most contacts indicate that 
Nicaraguan Liberal Alliance (ALN-PC) candidate Eduardo 
Montealegre appears to have made the most headway, followed 
distantly by Sandinista dissident Herty Lewites and 
Montealegre's fellow Liberal dissident Jose Antonio Alvarado. 
 While most acknowledged that the Liberal Constitutional 
Party (PLC) -- once a powerhouse in the region -- has been 
weakened by association with the corrupt leadership of 
Arnoldo Aleman, the eventual PLC candidate could gain 
considerable support if he is seen as independent from 
Aleman.  Most Rivas Liberals, regardless of party 
affiliation, favor a Montealegre/Alvarado ticket heading a 
PLC-led alliance. 
 
¶2. (C) Summary continued: Although the majority of the 
population leans Liberal, the FSLN has the strongest party 
structure and political control of most municipalities in the 
department.  Moreover, contacts indicated that the citizens 
of Rivas are more likely to vote for a person than a party, 
which could lead to split tickets in the election if the 
Liberals do not unify.  End Summary. 
 
¶3. (C) Poloff and Political Assistant met with local 
political, economic, social and religious leaders in Rivas on 
February 15 and 16 to discuss the upcoming national elections 
and other issues.  We received the overall impression that 
the population has not yet focused on the elections and that 
none of the candidates or parties has made a strong impact. 
Rivas has ten municipalities, seven are controlled by the 
FSLN/Convergencia, two are PLC (Rivas and Moyogalpa) and one 
is Conservative (San Jorge).  Several contacts explained that 
Rivas was not a center of conflict during the 1980s civil 
war, so the population is generally not as overtly partisan 
and tends to vote for popular individuals, regardless of 
party affiliation. 
 
EDUARDO DRAWS "SYMPATHY" IN RIVAS 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶4. (C) Although most of the population has not begun to pay 
attention to the national elections, many of our contacts 
believe that Eduardo Montealegre currently enjoys the most 
support of any presidential candidate.  Father Giovanni 
Loaisiga of the Catholic Church, Departmental Electoral 
Council (CED) President Jose Angel Granados, and Rivas 
Ranchers' Association member Noel Rivas all agreed that 
Montealegre currently leads the field of candidates, although 
they believe his position could change as the elections draw 
nearer. 
 
¶5. (C) Even Montealegre's Liberal rivals in Rivas claimed 
they would back his candidacy under the right circumstances. 
The departmental president for APRE, Augustin Lacayo, told us 
that Montealegre is a "good person" that he would support if 
APRE eventually joins Montealegre's alliance.  "Amigos de 
Alvarado" head Milton Arcia said Montealegre is "honorable," 
though claimed that his background as an upper-class banker 
alienates him from most Nicaraguans.  PLC mayor of Moyogalpa 
Jose Martinez explained that he privately has "sympathy" for 
Montealegre, though he cannot support him publicly, and 
believes that Moyogalpa will support Eduardo in the elections. 
 
¶6. (C) Jorge Prendiz, the deputy departmental coordinator for 
the "Vamos con Eduardo" movement, told us that "Vamos" has 
formed a directorship in every municipality, with some 
organization at the town/neighborhood level.  "Vamos" has 
registered 8,500 affiliates and has a goal of registering 
11,400 in a total voting population of 110,000.  Prendiz 
admitted that the structural organization of Montealegre's 
alliance is not as strong as it should be, and efforts are 
hampered by a lack of funds, though he acknowledged that most 
of "Vamos'" funds are currently dedicated to the Atlantic 
Coast campaign. 
 
¶7. (C) Prendiz expressed a surprising level of 
dissatisfaction with decisions taken at the national level of 
the alliance.  He said that the affiliates want primaries to 
select the alliance's deputy candidates and would be 
disenchanted with any other outcome.  Prendiz complained that 
the Conservative Party has too high a profile in the 
alliance, which he claimed is damaging Eduardo's image with 
the electorate.  He is resentful that the vice presidential 
position was promised to a Conservative, and claimed that 
rival Liberal candidate Jose Antonio Alvarado would be "much 
better."  (Comment: Other observers noted that the 
Conservatives actually have a relatively strong base in Rivas 
and control the municipality of San Jorge.  Prendiz likely 
realizes that his own chances of obtaining a position in 
government would be considerably increased without having to 
share the spoils with the Conservatives.  On a different 
subject, Prendiz was recommended to us by "Vamos" national 
headquarters instead of the head director.  In a later 
meeting, local Etica y Transparencia director Octavio Ortega 
called the "Vamos" director a "drunk" who was appointed for 
political reasons, but who is managing Montealegre's campaign 
incompetently.  End Comment.) 
 
DIVISIONS APPARENT AMONG ALVARADO'S ALLIES IN DEPARTMENT 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶8. (C) The president of "Amigos de Alvarado" in Rivas is 
Milton Arcia, a wealthy businessman who owns the only ferry 
that provides regular service to the island of Ometepe. 
Arcia told us that he supports Alvarado with his time and 
financial resources because Alvarado is a personal friend and 
"well qualified" as a presidential candidate, having headed 
five ministries under various Liberal administrations.  When 
asked if Arcia would support a Montealegre/Alvarado ticket, 
he replied that Montealegre does not possess the leadership 
qualities necessary to defeat FSLN candidate Daniel Ortega. 
Regarding Montealegre's consistently wide lead in the polls, 
he repeated the allegation that the polls are "bought" and 
manipulated by a media sympathetic to Montealegre.  Arcia was 
also convinced that Alvarado would win internal PLC primaries 
if allowed to participate.  Queried on his ties to APRE, the 
largest party where Alvarado is currently running as a 
pre-candidate, Arcia derided the party as "gallo pinto" (a 
dish of mixed rice and beans, referring to its inclusion of 
members from different ideological backgrounds) and 
proclaimed himself a "Liberal, through and through." 
 
¶9. (C) APRE departmental president Augustin Lacayo confirmed 
that APRE's relationship with the "Amigos" in Rivas is 
"interesting" and "needs clarification."  He noted that APRE 
had received Alvarado in Rivas on February 11 and accompanied 
him on a trip to Ometepe.  (Note: Arcia did not seem to be 
aware of the details of the visit.  End note.) 
¶10. (C) Aside from Arcia and Lacayo, no one else seemed to 
have any confidence in Alvarado's campaign.  Octavio Ortega 
accused Alvarado of using GON employees to support his 
campaign (an allegation we have heard frequently), which 
Ortega said "looks bad".  Ortega told us that APRE had been 
considerably weakened in Rivas when the Conservatives left 
the alliance after the 2004 municipal elections. 
 
HERTY'S CAMPAIGN OPERATING ON A SHOESTRING 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶11. (C) Miguel Angel Escorcia, president of "Herty 2006" in 
Rivas, admitted that Montealegre probably enjoys the most 
support of any candidate in the department, but claimed that 
dissident Sandinista candidate Herty Lewites is gaining 
steam.  Escorcia explained that the local directorship of 
"Herty 2006" is composed of ex-FSLN members, but affiliates 
also include significant numbers of Liberals and 
Conservatives.  He claimed that 25 percent of Sandinista 
voters will support Herty, and that three of the seven 
Sandinista mayors in Rivas privately back Lewites.  Escorcia 
told us that "Herty 2006" has a leadership structure in every 
municipality, but the organization only receives US$280 per 
month for operating expenses (he showed us a receipt).  He 
said that the movement would select deputy candidates some 
time in April.  Escorcia emphasized that Herty's deputies 
"know that they will only make US$2,000 a month instead of 
US$4,500" once Lewites reforms the salary scale. 
 
¶12. (C) Other contacts were skeptical of Herty's chances in 
Rivas.  Augustin Lacayo claimed that Lewites "has nothing" in 
Rivas and will eventually rejoin Ortega in the FSLN.  Jorge 
Prendiz said that Lewites will not capture more than 10 
percent of the Sandinista vote.  Interestingly, Amcham member 
Hector Sanchez Arguello, a former Contra commander, told us 
that he and other businessmen are supporting Herty as a ploy 
to weaken Ortega.  He also mentioned that Lewites' nephew is 
an investor in Remanso Beach, the development project that 
Arguello manages. 
 
PLC SUFFERING FROM ALLEGIANCE TO ALEMAN 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶13. (C) Most contacts noted that the PLC, as in other areas 
of the country, has suffered a decline and will not 
successfully compete with the Liberal dissidents in the 
national elections.  The PLC vice mayor of the city of Rivas, 
Marcia Tijerino, stated bluntly that "the Liberals will lose 
the elections without unity."  Rivas mayor Jose Martinez 
(Arnoldo Aleman's MC during his 1996 presidential campaign) 
welcomes all Liberal candidates to visit Rivas, and has in 
fact had meetings with Alvarado and Montealegre.  However, 
Tijerino and Martinez both insisted that the PLC is the 
Liberal flagship party with Aleman as its leader, and that 
other Liberals should play by the PLC's rules.  (Note: In a 
private aside after the main meeting, Martinez acknowledged 
that the PLC has "major problems" and implied that Aleman is 
the source.  End Note.) 
 
¶14. (C) In private meetings, other local PLC leaders were 
even more critical of the national leadership.  CED president 
Jose Angel Granados told us that the national PLC 
directorship does not want to choose deputies using primaries 
(a mistake), so Montealegre and Alvarado should convince them 
through negotiations.  Moyogalpa mayor Jose Martinez agreed 
that Arnoldo Aleman's corrupt leadership of the party has 
caused the PLC's current weakness and is the main obstacle to 
Liberal unity.  Martinez explained that the PLC lost several 
municipalities to the FSLN in 2004 because the national 
leadership imposed loyal candidates in several instances 
instead of letting the strongest contenders compete -- a 
strategy that backfired. 
 
¶15. (C) None of the PLC pre-candidates, aside from Jose Rizo, 
seemed to enjoy any support at all in the department. 
Contacts noted that Enrique Quinonez and Noel Ramirez have 
visited Rivas recently, but with little impact.  Granados and 
Noel Rivera claimed that Rizo has some following in the 
department, however, Rivera indicated that Aleman would not 
allow Rizo to win the nomination. 
 
FSLN STRONG AND ORGANIZED 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶16. (C) Virtually everyone we spoke with acknowledged that, 
while the majority of the population has Liberal sympathies, 
the FSLN is strong and organized.  Moyogalpa mayor Jose 
Martinez stated that the FSLN is the only party in the 
department that is truly organized and that "you will never 
find a Sandinista without a cedula (voter ID card)." 
Monsignor Leonel Navas of the Catholic diocese told us that 
the FSLN wields considerable influence and the seven 
Sandinista mayors in Rivas help the party campaign.  Rivas 
Chamber of Commerce treasurer Benancia Ibarra explained that 
the Sandinistas trained people to expect the government to 
"give them favors" -- something that the PLC has not mastered. 
 
ELECTORAL AUTHORITY IS A "DISASTER" 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶17. (C) As usual, most contacts were highly critical of the 
Supreme Electoral Council (CSE) and local Departmental 
Electoral Council (CED).  Rivas vice mayor Imelda Martinez 
claimed that the PLC is disadvantaged because CSE president 
Roberto Rivas has betrayed the party and sided with the FSLN. 
 Miguel Angel Escorcia of "Herty 2006" pleaded for OAS 
observers to curtail "massive fraud" planned by the CSE.  He 
added his observation that "only Arnoldistas and Danielistas 
get cedulas."  APRE head Augustin Lacayo labeled the CSE a 
"disaster" and stated that the partisan magistrates conspire 
to shut out small parties.  Moyogalpa mayor Jose Martinez 
said the CED is "very deficient" and does not deliver cedulas 
to Ometepe.  He noted that the cost to travel to Rivas is at 
least 100 cordobas, when the average worker on Ometepe only 
earns 30 cordobas a day.  On a more personal level, Rivas 
Chamber of Commerce member Pedro Mendoza said he had to pay a 
bribe to "get anything done at the CED." 
 
¶18. (C) Local CED president and former PLC departmental head 
Jose Angel Granados acknowledged many of the accusations made 
against the CSE and CED.  He admitted that the CED has 
retained several thousand cedulas for citizens of Ometepe 
that have not been delivered for "lack of resources," though 
he said the opening of municipal offices in June or July 
should alleviate the problem.  Granados agreed with Escorcia 
that without a strong observer presence, "the FSLN will steal 
the vote."  He admitted that the "raton loco" (deliberately 
switching citizens from one voting location to another to 
cause confusion) had dissuaded many people from voting in 
2004 and claimed that both the FSLN and PLC have "radical 
members" who will try to manipulate the vote in their party's 
favor. 
 
RIVAS: DEMOGRAPHICS AND VOTING PROFILE 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶19. (U)  Total Population (2005 est.):    166,938 
         Total Urban Population:          68,123 
         Total Rural Population:          98,815 
 
         Votes Received by Party, 2004 Municipal Elections 
         PLC:     23,212 
         FSLN:    26,812 
         APRE:    8,579 
         PRN:     1,138 
         AC:      1,359 
         Others:  997 
 
COMMENT: ADAPTING TO A CHANGING ELECTORATE 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶20. (C) The lack of personal identification with a political 
party is a trend that is perhaps more advanced in Rivas due 
to the relative lack of violent ideological confrontation in 
the department, but it is becoming more pervasive throughout 
Nicaragua as memories of the 1980s civil war rapidly recede 
in the minds of a young population.  The FSLN has capitalized 
on this phenomenon by, at the national level, seeking a 
rapprochement with the Catholic Church and toning down its 
Marxist rhetoric in some venues.  On the local level, the 
FSLN uses primaries with its Convergencia partners to select 
mayoral and National Assembly deputy candidates.  To be sure, 
these primaries are often fixed or  manipulated, but the FSLN 
in recent years has tapped better candidates in general than 
the PLC, which often imposes candidates by "dedazo" who have 
no greater qualification than their abject loyalty to Aleman. 
 Unless the moribund Liberals adapt and accept a more 
democratic method of candidate selection, particularly at the 
local and Assembly level, the FSLN may continue to gain 
electoral ground. 
TRIVELLI