VZCZCXRO6899
RR RUEHDU RUEHJO
DE RUEHMR #0035/01 0201032
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 201032Z JAN 06
FM AMEMBASSY MASERU
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 1822
INFO RUCNSAD/SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY
RUEHMR/AMEMBASSY MASERU 2074

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 MASERU 000035 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
DEPARTMENT FOR AF/S 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PREL PINR LT
SUBJECT: DISCONTENT WITHIN THE RULING PARTY AND THE MAIN OPPOSITION 
PARTY 
 
 
MASERU 00000035  001.2 OF 003 
 
 
¶1.       (SBU)  Summary: In the aftermath of the first post - 
independence Lesotho local government elections, which were held 
in April 2005, rumors emerged about internal disputes and power 
struggles within the two biggest political parties - the ruling 
Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) and the main opposition, 
the Basotho National Party (BNP). As the rumors intensified, 
undertones challenging the leadership in both parties began to 
surface and it was feared that this would lead to general 
discontent as they prepare for the 2007 general elections. Some 
factions within the LCD feel that Prime Minister Mosisili should 
emulate other regional leaders by leaving public office after 
two terms even though the constitution  allows him to seek more 
than two terms. The BNP's internal problems have spilled over to 
include the Speaker of Parliament who is accused of 
destabilizing the BNP by interfering in its internal affairs. 
Internal political decisions may begin to stall progress in 
areas ranging from parliamentary reform to needed action on 
international matters.  End Summary. 
 
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Discontent with the Leadership in the Ruling Party 
--------------------------------------------- -------------- 
------------- 
 
¶2.       (SBU) Tension within the LCD was fueled by rumors that 
the PM intended to resign prior to the 2007 general elections. 
This created friction between the PM, the ministers tipped to 
succeed him and their supporters.  The Deputy Prime Minister, 
who has been referred to as PM Mosisili's man, has no strong 
political backing.  This has paved the way for ministers who 
wish to succeed Mosisili to gradually show their interest. 
 
¶3.       (SBU) Sources within the ruling party indicate that there 
are some factions within the LCD who openly want a leadership 
change ahead of the 2007 elections. They contend PM Mosisili 
should leave public office after two terms even though the 
constitution allows him to seek more terms. They are under the 
conviction that a leader who stays in power for too long becomes 
susceptible to authoritarian tendencies and ends up eliminating 
potential future leaders.  Die-hard elements within the LCD feel 
that Mosisili was just a compromise candidate when he was 
elevated to the position of Deputy Prime Minister prior to the 
1998 general elections. The then ailing Prime Minister Ntsu 
Mokhehle, was faced with a dilemma of choosing a successor. 
Mokhehle had to choose between his brother, Shakhane Mokhehle, 
then a Minister of Trade and Industry, and current Foreign 
Minister Monyane Moleleki (who was then Minister of Natural 
Resources) but he was deemed too young at the time. Mosisili 
emerged as the best candidate because of his perceived 
level-headedness compared to the supposed radical elements 
within the LCD. 
 
¶4.       (SBU) The two front-runners now are said to be Foreign 
Minister Moleleki and Minister of Communications Tom Thabane 
(former Minister of Security).  Press reports suggest Moleleki 
is the favorite; he is a member of the LCD National Executive 
Committee (NEC) and the editor-in-chief of the party newspaper. 
Thabane is not a member of the NEC but has a strong following in 
his constituency as well as in other areas.  (Note: Thabane has 
served in a number of ministerial positions over his long 
political career.) 
 
¶5.       (SBU) As the "leadership battle" continued to brew, 
indirect personal attacks on the credibility of the two 
prospective candidates have been topics of discussion in party 
caucuses.  Also, accusations and counter-accusations between the 
two ministers and their supporters both in and outside 
government corridors intensified and spread to the 
constituencies. In a surprise move in December 2005, Mosisili 
wrote a letter to the LCD NEC, Women's League, Constituency 
Committees as well as LCD Members of Parliament (MPs). He 
indicated that he would not resign and would govern until his 
opponents in the party "get used to it." 
 
 ¶6.      (SBU) At a recent party conference held later the same 
month, Mosisili reiterated his declaration. According to the 
"Public Eye" newspaper  dated December 16, 2005, the Prime 
Minister appealed to Moleleki and Thabane not to contest a 
non-existent leadership position in the party.  He labeled their 
crusade as unfounded and targeted at dividing the party. It was 
also reported that when the PM arrived at the conference, some 
LCD members rushed into the conference hall while others were 
sluggish, showing disrespect. When the Prime Minister shouted 
out the party slogan, some LCD members chanted negative 
responses. 
 
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MASERU 00000035  002.2 OF 003 
 
 
And the Same in the Largest Opposition Party 
--------------------------------------------- -------------- 
-------- 
 
¶7.       (SBU) The leadership of the BNP, which is the largest 
opposition party, has not been immune to problems either. After 
party leader Major General Metsing Lekhanya was re-elected in 
March 2005, it did not take long before his disgruntled 
opponents, both in and outside parliament, began to openly 
encourage him to resign. The discontent began to rise but the 
party leadership, in an attempt to prevent divisions took 
disciplinary action on some members while others chose to resign 
from party organs. 
 
¶8.       (SBU) The situation was exacerbated when the Speaker of 
the National Assembly, Mrs. Nthloi Motsamai (a member of the 
ruling LCD), selected a disgruntled member of the BNP in 
parliament to attend a meeting on the harmonization of SADC 
electoral laws in Botswana in September 2005 without consulting 
the BNP leadership. 
 
¶9.        (SBU) Outraged by this nomination,  Lekhanya wrote a 
letter to the Speaker in September 2005, requesting her to 
reconsider the nomination and hold proper consultations. 
Lekhanya stressed that such a unilateral act set a dangerous 
precedent that damages the independence and integrity of 
political parties. (Note: In the mixed member parliament of 
Lesotho, the proportional representative members are nominated 
and enter parliament by parties and can be removed by parties. 
Whereas the "first - past - the - post" members can enter 
parliament under a party ticket or as independent candidates and 
cannot be removed from parliament until their term is over. The 
BNP only has proportional representative members. End note.) 
The BNP leader also reminded the Speaker that she had 
unilaterally appointed an MP from the Lesotho People's Congress 
as Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee whereas the 
chairmanship is traditionally allocated to the leader of the 
biggest opposition party in government.  Lekhanya went further 
to remind the Speaker about a highly debatable issue that he 
(Lekhanya) was still not recognized as the official opposition 
leader and not accorded the privileges of that position. (Note: 
The official leader of the opposition is entitled to an official 
vehicle and chauffeur, official residence, and salary and other 
privileges equivalent to those of a cabinet minister.   However, 
the Speaker's stand has been that the BNP leader does not 
command the required numbers for such recognition.  According to 
the Speaker, the official opposition leader's party must have at 
least twenty-five per-cent (25%) of the seats in parliament in 
order to be accorded such privileges.  The BNP occupies 17 
percent of the seats.  End note) 
 
¶10.      (SBU) The BNP Youth League and Women's League also wrote 
a letter in October 2005, protesting the Speaker's action. In 
addition, the BNP Youth League accused the Speaker of 
disrespecting their leadership's decision of appointing the BNP 
Youth Leader to replace a deceased BNP MP in the Parliamentary 
Reforms Committee. The Speaker had instead appointed a different 
BNP member, again against the wishes of the BNP leadership. The 
letter concluded by informing the Speaker that all BNP MPs were 
summoned for debriefing at their headquarters the same day. The 
letter also stipulated that those who would attend would be 
deemed as deserters and as such, their seats in parliament would 
be forfeited. 
 
¶11.       (SBU) In response, the Speaker made a statement in 
Parliament, outlining the events that led to the nomination of 
the BNP member for the Botswana conference, and her thorny 
relations with the BNP leadership in general. She indicated that 
as a co-chairman of the former Interim Political Authority 
(IPA), the BNP MP had the requisite experience to represent the 
parliament in Botswana. (Note: The IPA is a multi-party body 
which was established following the 1998 political disturbances, 
and was instrumental in bringing about the present mixed member 
electoral model.) 
 
¶12.       (SBU) Essentially asking for protection from the House, 
the Speaker outlined a barrage of "intimidating" letters that 
she had received from various structures of the BNP. 
Subsequently, a motion was passed to refer the matter to the 
Parliamentary Privileges Committee.  The committee has not 
reached a decision. 
 
¶13.      (SBU) The latest BNP communication to the Speaker is a 
letter dated December 22, from the Chairman of the Maseru 
regional constituencies and co-signed by ten constituency 
representatives.  The letter accuses the Speaker of gross 
interference with BNP internal affairs, and calls for her 
resignation.  A copy of the Commonwealth Parliamentary 
Association guidelines accompanies the letter on parliamentary 
 
MASERU 00000035  003.2 OF 003 
 
 
procedure as it affects the role of political parties, party 
discipline, and parties and legislative leadership, which they 
claim, were violated by the Speaker. 
 
14          (SBU) COMMENT: The internal power struggles and 
accusations clearly show the gravity of problems involving the 
top leadership of both parties. Some believe the Speaker of 
Parliament has tarnished her image as the custodian of 
parliamentary procedures and over-stepped her powers by 
interfering in matters which should have been left to political 
parties to deal with. The ruling LCD is due to hold a leadership 
conference on January 28, 2006, which will choose the leadership 
for the 2007 general elections. Likewise, the BNP will also hold 
a similar conference in December 2006.  It is difficult to 
predict the outcome of the conferences, but Mosisili is likely 
to stay-on as LCD leader and seek a third term until he can 
handpick a successor.  General Lekhanya has alienated potential 
successors by surrounding himself with " yes men " who have no 
potential for leadership. He is also likely to stay until  a new 
contender emerges and defeats him or  he handpicks a successor 
and resigns by choice. 
 
¶15.      (SBU) Divisiveness within the ruling LCD and the BNP 
could render decision-making on major internal multi-lateral and 
bilateral issues lengthy or leave them unresolved.  In a 
"consensus" Cabinet and divided Parliament, objective 
consideration of matters from parliamentary reform to trade to 
security  could become immeshed in internal political power 
moves.  Stalemates within the LCD as well as the opposition may 
also lead to delays in action on pending legislation such as the 
Marriage Equity Act, land reform and other measures.  At the 
same time, we understand from senior Cabinet officials that key 
bills (e.g., anti-money laundering) are high on their agendas 
and they hope to be able to obtain passage between February and 
April.  However, the calendar has not yet been published.  End 
Comment. 
PERRY