This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 AMMAN 006951 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
 
STATE FOR NEA/LEA 
STATE PASS TO USTR - C. NOVELLI, E. SAUMS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: SOCI ETRD PREL KTIA ECON ELAB IS JO
SUBJECT: QIZ GARMENT FACTORIES IN JORDAN: STITCHING A NEW 
SOCIAL FABRIC 
 
REF: AMMAN 4250 
 
¶1. (SBU) SUMMARY:  Qualifying Industrial Zones (QIZs) in 
Jordan have created thousands of semi-skilled industrial 
jobs, attracted foreign investment, and increased exports. 
Less evident are the ensuing impacts that the factories have 
had on individuals, families, and villages - particularly in 
the conservative rural areas of the country.  Persistent 
concerns about factory jobs include mixing of men and women, 
misperceptions about foreign laborers, and cooperation with 
Israelis in QIZ operations.  Balanced against these negative 
perceptions are the social and economic benefits of 
manufacturing operations.  Particularly on the level of 
individual workers, QIZ jobs are instrumental in giving a new 
generation of Jordanian women more influence over personal 
finances, limited independence and mobility, exposure to new 
cultures, and gratification from providing their families 
with income.  Challenges for the future include instilling a 
mentality of industrialism in the Jordanian workforce and 
battling Jordanian public misconceptions about the nature of 
factory work.  END SUMMARY. 
 
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BACKGROUND, DEMOGRAPHICS, AND OPERATIONS 
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¶2. (SBU) Established as a result of Jordan,s 1994 peace 
treaty with Israel, Qualifying Industrial Zones (QIZs) are 
host to more than 50 garment factories and provide jobs for 
some 22,000 Jordanian workers per year.  Approximately half 
of these are women from rural areas who have very few 
alternatives for employment.  According to several women, as 
many as 90 percent of the young men and women in their 
villages are currently working in a QIZ factory.  Each 
factory provides transportation for the workers from their 
homes, which are typically a 30-45 minute bus-ride from the 
factory but can be as far as 1.5 hours away.  Normal shifts 
are six days a week, eight hours a day, though at least two 
hours of overtime daily are usually expected.  Laborers earn 
little more than the minimum wage of 85 JD per month; (the 
average monthly wage in Jordan across all sectors is 
approximately 200 JD).  Conditions in these factories are 
generally good; labor rights are closely monitored by 
American buyers, the Ministry of Labor, and labor unions (Ref 
A). 
 
¶3. (SBU) The majority of female Jordanian QIZ laborers are 
between the ages of 19 and 25 and unmarried.  New workers 
join cutting and finishing lines, and more experienced 
Jordanians join foreign workers on sewing lines and in 
quality control departments.  Most Jordanian men work in the 
packing and shipping departments, while a small number of 
foreign men among the 15,000 foreign QIZ laborers (largely 
South and East Asians) work alongside the women in sewing. 
Most QIZ workers graduated from high school but did not score 
high enough on exams to go to public universities, and a 
handful are current university students working during summer 
vacation.  The vast majority of women who Emboffs met during 
factory visits indicated that even if they wanted to continue 
employment after marriage, their husbands would oblige them 
to work at home unless the family was desperate for 
additional money. 
 
¶4. (SBU) Research for this report included tours of 12 
factories in different regions of Jordan, brief exchanges 
with individuals on the production lines, and hour-long 
interviews with small groups of investors, managers, and 25 
Jordanian laborers.  Most of these laborers were selected 
randomly and interviewed away from their employers with the 
help of embassy FSN translators. 
 
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FEARS, RUMORS, AND MISCONCEPTIONS: REACTIONS TO FACTORY WORK 
--------------------------------------------- --------------- 
 
¶5. (SBU) The creation of non-traditional workplaces such as 
QIZ factories have generated negative reactions in some 
conservative quarters of Jordan.  Foremost is the concern 
that women are working with unknown men and unsupervised by 
family members.  While women and men usually work in separate 
departments and have limited interaction with each other, 
public concern about inappropriate gender relations is the 
primary factor preventing families from letting their female 
family members work. 
 
¶6. (SBU) In Jordanian culture, even unsubstantiated rumors of 
flirtation or promiscuity can prove damaging.  This concern 
is abated for many female workers whose male uncles, cousins, 
or brothers work in the same factory and can be aware of 
other workers, activities.  Still, female laborers express 
dismay that many men refuse to marry a girl who has ever 
worked in a factory, assuming she would have had unsupervised 
relationships with other men and judging her family to be 
incapable of providing for her.  Men working in the factories 
said they would not want their wives or sisters to work 
there, defending themselves as able to provide for their own 
family. 
 
¶7. (SBU) Working with foreigners from South and East Asia is 
initially a major concern for employees, though after several 
weeks it ends up being one highlight of the job.  Jordanians 
were most concerned about the language barrier and cultural 
differences, including some of the clothing foreign girls 
wear to work.  One woman who had been working in a factory 
for several years said she has seen new Jordanian employees 
arrive for the first day and, after seeing so many Asian 
workers, not come back because they were worried about SARS. 
Jordan University Professor of Sociology Musa Shteiwi 
confirmed hearing several rumors that the foreigners in QIZs 
are prostitutes.  He stressed that in most cases this label 
was being applied to girls who were just talking to or 
walking alone with men - activities which may be considered 
harmless in their countries but raise suspicions in Jordan. 
 
¶8. (SBU) Over time, observers note, fears of working with the 
foreigners subside, and with a little new vocabulary and a 
lot of gesturing, many become friends.  "I get postcards - 
and even a couple phone calls - from my friends who have 
returned to China," exclaimed one woman, explaining that she 
had invited foreign friends to spend weekends at home with 
her family.  Other women agreed that working with foreigners 
has made them more open-minded and accepting of different 
cultures. 
 
¶9. (SBU) Predictably, another snag about working in QIZs is 
their association with Israeli businesses.  To qualify for 
quota- and duty-free access to the U.S., garments must 
contain at least eight percent content from Israel.  Because 
Israeli goods and labor are much more expensive than products 
from Asia, Jordanian QIZs only use small items such as 
zippers, buttons, and thread from Israel.  But even a minor 
contribution from such a controversial partner has generated 
a backlash.  Some groups scorn QIZ laborers for making 
 dirty money.,  Most workers said that people in their home 
towns or cities thought the factories were all owned and 
operated by Israelis and did not believe that investors were 
largely Chinese, Pakistani, or Indian. 
 
¶10. (SBU) The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has contributed 
more to the negative perceptions of QIZs than any other 
factor, according to Amer Hadidi, the Director of Industrial 
Development at the GOJ Ministry of Industry of Trade (protect 
source).  Hadidi noted "a very clear and direct relationship 
between resistance to working for QIZs and increased problems 
in the West Bank," which have both increased significantly 
over the last four years.  Hadidi emphasized that mosques are 
seen as the most legitimate institution in conservative areas 
of Amman, and some fuel dissent over QIZs; some vocal prayer 
leaders and Islamic political activists exaggerate the 
benefits Israel receives from QIZs. 
 
¶11. (SBU) Hadidi also explained that labor unions can also be 
highly politicized and speak out against cooperating with 
Israelis.  Bruce Mathews, a USAID-funded advisor to the 
Minister of Labor, expressed frustration that the media does 
not want to be associated with the positive aspects of QIZs. 
He noted that there have been some articles in Arabic papers 
outlining the economic benefits of factory employment but 
none showing the positive social effects.  To combat these 
negative public perceptions, the Ministry of Labor is 
launching a media campaign over TV and radio highlighting the 
value of work and encouraging women to consider 
non-traditional jobs. 
 
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QIZS PROVIDE INCREASED INDEPENDENCE 
----------------------------------- 
 
¶12. (SBU) Despite the somewhat negative reactions to factory 
work among rural and urban conservatives alike, workers 
themselves are relieved to get out of the house and 
positively contribute to their families, lifestyles.  The 
women unanimously agreed that working in a factory is "better 
than staying at home," where they would usually be "bored, 
watching TV, and wasting time."  Increased responsibility is 
evidenced by the fact that, in many cases, the women 
themselves initiate the desire to work, having to convince 
their families to let them go.  Only after tours of the QIZs 
and assurances from managers do parents relent, according to 
Human Resource Managers in several different factories. 
 
¶13. (SBU) For many girls, working has enabled them to travel 
unaccompanied outside their cities for the first time.  This 
is most dramatically the case in three factories that house 
some of the Jordanian women who live more than an hour away 
in dorms within the QIZ.  One dorm resident said, "of course 
I felt lonely in the beginning, but now the other girls in my 
dorm are like family."  Others agreed, laughing that when 
they do go home on weekends, their families are happier to 
see them than if they came home every day. 
 
¶14. (SBU) Additionally, working in the factories has given 
women friends, contacts, and exposure to other regions in 
Jordan.  "I never imagined I would be able to meet people 
from so many places - not only from different countries but 
also from different cities within Jordan," exclaimed one girl 
from a small village near Irbid.  Such friendships may go a 
long way towards encouraging independence as women have more 
interaction with individuals outside of the more traditional 
family and village networks.  For now, however, women working 
in the factories explained that they do not visit friends, 
houses for an evening unless their families know each other. 
 
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ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT 
-------------------- 
 
¶15. (SBU) The control each woman has over how her paycheck is 
spent varies widely depending on her family,s situation and 
resources.  For those who have brothers with jobs, the 
monthly payment is only a small supplement to the family,s 
income; these women are able to pay for their own clothes, 
entertainment, and even education.  In fewer cases, women are 
the only income-earning member of their family, responsible 
for the welfare of their parents and younger siblings while 
also expected to do most of the housework after coming home. 
On average, women give two-thirds of each check to their 
father and spend one-third on themselves. 
 
¶16. (SBU) Much of the money spent on themselves is used to 
buy gifts for family members, including, for example, a 
bicycle for younger brothers or jewelry for grandmothers. 
The ability to spend their own money and buy gifts is a 
strong incentive to work overtime and exceed production 
quotas, for which each company gives bonus awards.  Etaf 
Halasseh, a manager of the Village Program at the Ministry of 
Labor which provides subsidies for Jordanian women to live in 
the dorms at Al-Tajamouat QIZ, was amazed to see the changes 
in attitudes and appearances of women who had worked at the 
factories.  Without having to depend on their parents for an 
allowance, these women were "cleaner, and had bought makeup 
and nicer head-scarves."  Halasseh also noted that the women 
in the Village Program were healthier, as they were fed three 
times a day at the factories, something their families were 
often unable to provide. 
 
¶17. (SBU) Though skeptical at first, families who decide to 
allow females to work in the factories are largely supportive 
of their work and extend greater trust in their relations 
with strangers, according to most Jordanian factory workers. 
Although the wages women earn are generally supplemental to 
other sources of income for a family, working and bringing 
home a paycheck has begun to change the young women,s role 
at home.  With some exceptions, employed women say they are 
no longer entirely responsible for cooking, cleaning, or 
taking care of younger children.  These women still assist 
with chores, but their household help is no longer expected 
or taken for granted by other family members. 
 
¶18. (SBU) Most companies distribute payments in cash once a 
month, but at least one has established a bank account with 
an ATM card for each employee and makes direct deposits of 
the paychecks.  Women in this factory liked being bank 
customers and learning personal accounting skills, saying it 
made them feel "professional." 
 
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COMMENT: IMPACTS FOR INDIVIDUALS, FAMILIES, AND COMMUNITIES 
--------------------------------------------- -------------- 
 
¶19. (SBU) With a high percentage of young men and women in 
several villages working in QIZ factories over the last three 
to four years, garment factories are slowly changing the 
social and economic relationships of employees within their 
families and villages.  That so many women on their own 
initiative begin working in QIZs is remarkable in traditional 
Jordan; these women are willing to go against negative public 
stereotypes about working with foreigners and to risk losing 
marriage proposals because of their factory experience.  For 
most women, the small amount of money they earn on the 
production line does not allow them to influence drastically 
family purchases or their own personal savings.  It does, 
however, give them pride and satisfaction to contribute to 
their families, quality of life, as they attest. 
 
¶20. (SBU) Until more balanced and informed opinions about 
gender relations, foreign workers, and Israeli partnerships 
convince the wider population that QIZ factories can improve 
quality of life, these factories will remain a source of some 
skepticism and disharmony.  Even for individuals and families 
that experience the social and economic benefits of these job 
opportunities first hand, there is little incentive or 
capacity to speak out against misinformation often spread by 
anti-Israeli factions.  Likewise, foreign investors and 
owners of the factories are concerned about sustainable 
business prospects rather than long-term effects on the 
Jordanian population.  While they may try hard to offer 
decent jobs, they prefer to steer clear of political 
arguments and media attention. 
HALE