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Viewing cable 03COLOMBO707, PRESS RELEASE - "US AMBASSADOR'S REACTION TO LTTE

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
03COLOMBO707 2003-04-24 09:49 2011-08-30 01:44 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Colombo
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 COLOMBO 000707 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR D, P, INR/R/MR, I/RW, I/REC; PA SA/INS (FOR JWALLER) 
 
DEPT ALSO FOR SA/PD (FOR LJIRWIN, LSCENSNY, WREINCKENS); SSA/PAB 
 
E.O. 12958:  N/A 
TAGS: KPAO OPRC KMDR OIIP CE PTER EGEN LTTE
SUBJECT:  PRESS RELEASE - "US AMBASSADOR'S REACTION TO LTTE 
SUSPENSION OF PEACE TALKS" 
 
Colombo, April 24, 2003 
 
Follows is the full text of an interview by Reuters with 
Ambassador Wills on April 24. 
 
Question - What is the U.S. reaction to the Tigers' pull- 
out from the talks? 
 
Answer - We regret the decisions by the LTTE to suspend its 
participation in the Sri Lankan peace talks and not to 
attend the Tokyo Donors Conference scheduled for June. 
 
We've reviewed carefully the ostensible reasons for these 
decisions cited in Mr. Balasingham's letter to the PM.  We 
do not find them convincing.  A well-intentioned party that 
truly wants a peaceful, political settlement to Sri Lanka's 
conflict could deal with such grievances at the negotiating 
table.  I'm not saying I don't understand Tamil frustration 
over certain issues, but people must remember that the war 
is not conclusively and officially over.  High-security 
zones, resettlement, development - these are all issues 
that need to be negotiated and dealt with.  But if the LTTE 
wants to represent Tamil interests, it has to participate 
in the negotiations, not walk away from them. 
 
We call on the Tigers to reconsider and to return to the 
negotiating track.  We also call on the LTTE and the 
Government of Sri Lanka to honor the terms of the ceasefire 
even while talks are suspended. 
 
In the meantime, this interregnum in the talks could prove 
useful by giving both parties the opportunity to recommit 
themselves to negotiations.  We have strongly supported the 
ceasefire even though we have also acknowledged it hasn't 
been implemented perfectly.  Blame for this does not fall 
exclusively on the side of the Government, however, as the 
LTTE's statement suggested.  The Tigers, too, bear heavy 
responsibility for numerous breaches of the ceasefire. 
While the talks are suspended, we urge the LTTE to reflect 
carefully on its own transgressions.  Assassinations of 
opponents, intimidation of Muslims, taxation without 
representation, aggressive Sea Tiger behavior and continued 
child recruitment do not build trust in the LTTE's 
intentions. 
 
We continue to believe that the way out of Sri Lanka's 
ethnic conflict is through negotiations facilitated by the 
Government of Norway.  And for our part we remain willing 
to do whatever we can to assist Sri Lanka as it tries to 
bring an end to this ugly war. 
 
Question - What about the charge the LTTE makes that Tamils 
are seeing no development, no peace dividend? 
 
Answer - We think that expectations in Sri Lanka - in the 
north and in the south too - are way too high regarding 
economic development.  Patience is in order.  Tamils, 
Sinhalese, indeed all Sri Lankans must understand that 
economic development takes time and unfolds most quickly in 
conditions of lasting peace.  And Sri Lanka doesn't yet 
live in conditions of permanent peace.  I don't mean to 
sound condescending, but sometimes I get the impression 
that some people in Sri Lanka expect an economic miracle 
now.  Rome wasn't built in a day.  Neither will Kilinochi, 
or Trinco, or Hambantota be developed as quickly as we 
would all like. 
 
I obviously don't speak for all the donors, but it is my 
impression that many programs are already underway in Sri 
Lanka's north and east.  For example, demining, by the U.S. 
and others, is underway and other developmental activities 
are happening as well.  So to allege that nothing is going 
on is unfair.  And to suggest that conditions haven't 
improved distorts the truth. 
 
It is also my impression that Sri Lanka's friends intend to 
be a lot more generous, and they intend to see that their 
money reaches undeveloped, deserving areas of the north and 
east - because that's where the devastation has been 
greatest - but also areas of the south.  Mr. Balasingham's 
letter makes it sound like it was only the mismanagement of 
previous Colombo governments that impoverished the south of 
Sri Lanka, and that the devastation of the north and east 
is all Colombo's fault.  That's ludicrous.  Successive 
governments down here in the south have made many mistakes, 
that's certain, but if blame is being distributed fairly, 
the LTTE deserves a great deal as well.  Its pursuit of an 
extreme, separatist agenda, by violent means, has cost Sri 
Lanka's north and east, but the rest of Sri Lanka too, 
thousands of lives and 20 years of peaceful development. 
Let us not forget that we need to undo the damage caused by 
some two decades of war and terror and even more years of 
failed economic policies.  That will not be done overnight. 
I should also point out that it is my sense that Sri 
Lanka's donors are properly modest about the impact of 
their assistance.  It will be substantial, yes, and in 
certain areas it may be decisive in improving people's 
lives.  But we donors know that in general foreign 
assistance can only be catalytic.  The biggest difference 
in economic terms will be made by national and local 
governments' adopting the right policies.  And in today's 
world, my government believes that the right policies are 
those that favor the private sector and individual 
initiative.  Government has its role - in educating people, 
in building infrastructure, in helping the poorest people, 
in protecting individual and property rights - but it is 
Sri Lanka's own people, engaged in business dealings with 
one another and with outsiders - who will make this country 
rich. 
 
On this important point, it would be a good thing for the 
LTTE to declare its intentions.  The Sri Lankan Government 
must do a much better job of delivering services and 
assistance.  It's way too slow and bureaucratic.  We are 
not blind to the faults of the Colombo Government.  But 
what is the LTTE's economic ideology?  Is it going to try 
to control everything?  Is it hoping to pursue autarkic 
policies that isolate the north and east from the rest of 
Sri Lanka? I'm confident the donors will not agree with 
that.  Or is it going to accept that the best way to help 
the Tamil people is to connect them to the rest of Sri 
Lanka and let their phenomenal talents find expression and 
wealth in a richer,wider context. 
 
Question - You seem pretty skeptical about the LTTE.  What 
can the Tigers do to find acceptance? 
 
Answer - The Tigers want to be treated respectfully and 
seriously.  My government understands that.  But as our 
Deputy Secretary of State, Richard Armitage, said recently, 
we can see a legitimate political role for the LTTE 
provided it renounces terrorism and violence.  The time for 
fighting has long since passed.  The LTTE's leadership 
likes to portray itself as brave . . . well, a truly 
courageous thing would be for that leadership to give up 
violence and even the threat of violence and push for a 
permanent peace now. 
 
I've heard Tamils say that they may not like the LTTE's 
tactics but they need the Tigers to protect them.  I think 
that's completely wrong.  The outlines of a settlement have 
been pretty clear for years, at least since the mid-90's. 
Some sort of devolution of power that gives Sri Lanka's 
north and east - merged or not - considerable autonomy is 
in order.  Call it internal self-determination if you like. 
Call it federalism if you like.  But Sri Lanka should 
remain united.  And be diverse and democratic.  Local 
governments likely will matter more than they do now. 
That's the best way to protect Tamil and Sinhala and Muslim 
rights and, most of all, individual rights.  The LTTE's 
weapons and armed cadre aren't protecting Tamil rights; 
they're prolonging this conflict and delaying the day when 
Tamils can live in truly peaceful conditions.  And now that 
the world is paying attention to Sri Lanka as never before, 
the international community will be watching closely to see 
that no one's rights get abused systematically once a final 
settlement is done. 
 
If the LTTE wants respect, it should accept this and engage 
the Government to settle on the terms for a new Sri Lanka. 
It should not pull out of the talks.  And it should go to 
Tokyo.  It doesn't want to miss this opportunity to 
represent the Tamil people, to be identified with the 
decisions that are coming that will apportion donor money. 
If Tamils are leery of Colombo-based governments, if they 
fear that they will be double-crossed - and I can 
understand why some Tamils would have such apprehensions - 
then the LTTE should be engaging, not suspending.  If the 
LTTE makes positive moves, my government will acknowledge 
them and respond.  But a truly warm American and 
international reaction can only come when the LTTE 
renounces terrorism and violence. 
 
The Tigers's goal should be to make peace, and quickly. 
Too much blood has been spilled, too many opportunities for 
forgiveness missed.  If I may quote an Indian politician: 
"It's impossible to shake hands with a clenched fist."  And 
I might add that it's hard to shake hands with one's back 
turned. 
 
WILLS