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Viewing cable 09STRASBOURG16, COUNCIL OF EUROPE AND KOSOVO MEMBERSHIP

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
09STRASBOURG16 2009-07-17 13:07 2011-08-30 01:44 CONFIDENTIAL Consulate Strasbourg
VZCZCXRO0147
PP RUEHDBU RUEHFL RUEHKW RUEHLA RUEHNP RUEHROV RUEHSL
DE RUEHSR #0016/01 1981307
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 171307Z JUL 09
FM AMCONSUL STRASBOURG
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0176
INFO RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE
RUEHSR/AMCONSUL STRASBOURG 0187
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 STRASBOURG 000016 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE ALSO FOR EUR/ERA, EUR/SCE, AND EUR/WE 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL:  7/17/2019 
TAGS: PREL PHUM COE KV FR
SUBJECT: COUNCIL OF EUROPE AND KOSOVO MEMBERSHIP 
 
REF: DYOKAS-SILBERSTEIN AND CARVER-SILBERSTEIN EMAILS 
 
STRASBOURG 00000016  001.2 OF 002 
 
 
CLASSIFIED BY: Vincent Carver, CG, Strasbourg, State. 
REASON: 1.4 (b), (d) 
SUMMARY 
- - - - - - - - - 
1. (C) The Council of Europe (COE), involved in democratic 
consolidation in Kosovo over the past decade, takes a 
"status-neutral" approach to Pristina; many COE member states 
that have recognized Kosovo independence, including the UK, are 
cautious about promoting Kosovo's potential COE membership. 
Serbia and Russia will obviously oppose anything but a "status 
neutral" approach to Kosovo; the departing COE Secretary General 
strongly supports such a status-neutral policy.  Should Kosovo 
plan on applying for COE membership, we will have to prepare 
member state capitals to push back on those ambassadors here who 
likely would argue that such a move would break the spirit of 
consensus of the COE; we should also ensure support for such 
membership at the level of foreign ministers (two-thirds of the 
47 COE FMs would have to vote in favor of membership).  In 
addition to the consensus argument, Serbia assuredly would call 
for no movement on such an application until at least after the 
International Court of Justice rules on Kosovo's declaration of 
independence.  Kosovo is not precluded from joining "partial 
agreements" of the COE, such as that covering the COE's 
Development Bank (CEB).  Pristina's membership in the bank, 
however, likely would also face an uphill battle.  End summary. 
COE's MODEST PRIORITIES 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
2. (U) COE activities in Kosovo are generally taken in concert 
with other international organizations.  The Council notably 
co-sponsors a series of "joint programs" with the European 
Union.  These projects are focused on education, particularly on 
the Council's three pillars:  human rights, democracy, and the 
rule of law.  In 2009, the COE and EU co-sponsored workshops in 
Pristina and Mavrovo discussing the rights of the Roma, the 
state-building process, and the modernization of history 
curricula to encourage social cohesion.  To a more limited 
degree, the COE-EU programs engage Kosovo's leaders on 
governmental issues.  The organizations are currently in the 
middle of a multi-year joint mission looking to assist in 
establishing non-judicial Human Rights Structures (NHRS).  All 
COE and EU operations are performed under the auspices of UNMIK 
and comply with UN Resolution 1244. 
3. (U) One of the flagship "joint actions" between the COE and 
European Commission in Kosovo is the "Ljubljana Process," an 
initiative to fund the rehabilitation of heritage sites in 
South-East Europe. The COE and EC selected three landmarks in 
Kosovo to be restored among the 26 total projects.  In 
refurbishing the sites, the Ljubljana Process has aimed to bring 
tangible benefits to local populations in transition by 
providing skills training, creating jobs, and eventually 
increasing tourism. 
4. (U) In January 2009, the COE began the process of 
re-launching a Local Democracy Agency (LDA) in Kosovo.  In order 
to facilitate the integration of Kosovo's many ethnic 
communities, the LDA aims to promote democratic consolidation at 
the local level, inter alia, through training of local 
councilors and civil servants.  The LDA is slated to become 
operational in September 2009. 
LEGAL INSTRUMENTS 
- - - - - - - - - - - - -  - - - 
5. (U) The "Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo," which 
entered into force in June 2008, also attests to the involved 
relationship between Pristina and Strasbourg.  According to 
Article 22, the European Convention on Human Rights, the COE 
Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities, 
and the COE Convention against Torture and other Inhuman 
Treatment and Punishments are directly applicable in Kosovo. 
The European Court of Human Rights, however, has no legal basis 
for the exercise of jurisdiction over Kosovo. 
THE FEAR OF NON-CONSENSUS ~ 
- - - - - - - - - - - - -  - - - - - - - - - - 
6. (C) The Council of Europe maintains a "status-neutral" 
approach to Kosovo - an approach adhered to in the strictest 
terms given the direct orders of the (departing August 31) COE 
Secretary General (criticized by several ambassadors here for 
not allowing the COE staff in Kosovo to meet with Kosovo 
officials absent the presence of any UNMIK personnel).  After 
Kosovo declared independence, the President of the PACE, Llums 
Maria de Puig, reiterated then that the ultimate goal remained a 
Kosovo "safe for all those who live in it regardless of their 
ethnic origin," but also implored EU member states to agree on a 
single position. 
7. (U) Though they have reaffirmed the need to build trust and 
accountability in Kosovo, the Committee of Ministers and the 
PACE have widely accepted the status quo.  At a May 2009 
ministerial conference in Madrid, Serbian Minister of Foreign 
Affairs Vuk Jeremic called upon the COE to keep Kosovo 
status-neutral until the International Court of Justice 
delivered an opinion on the legality of its declaration of 
independence.  When Jeremic reiterated his argument at a 
Committee of Ministers' Deputies (resident ambassadors) meeting 
in June 2009, not one delegation challenged him on the issue. 
 
STRASBOURG 00000016  002.2 OF 002 
 
 
 
~ AND POTENTIAL COE MEMBERSHIP 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
8. (C) Despite the obvious dissent of Serbia and Russia and 
grumblings if not outright opposition from Spain, Romania, and 
other EU states that have not recognized Pristina, Kosovo could 
technically become a member of the Council of Europe. 
Membership is attained in one of two ways.  At a meeting of the 
Ministers' Deputies (resident ambassadors in Strasbourg), the 
decision must be unanimous, with two-thirds of the 
representatives voting.  This obviously would not happen anytime 
soon. 
9.  (C) Foreign ministers, however, could take up the issue at a 
formal ministerial (note:  the next formal ministerial will be 
hosted in May 2010 by Switzerland (COE Chair November 2009-May 
2010) - during the Spanish EU Presidency.  Ministers themselves 
need only secure a two-thirds majority (this must be, however, 
two-thirds of all COE member state foreign ministers, not just 
two-thirds of those who show up at a ministerial and vote).  As 
Jean-Louis Laurens, Director General of Democracy and Political 
Affairs at the COE, noted, "Kosovo has already been recognized 
bilaterally by two-thirds of the Council of Europe members, 
thus, logically the votes for admission in this organization ~ 
are not an issue at all, because there is no consensus vote 
rule."  Currently, 33 of the 47 COE member states have 
bilaterally acknowledged Kosovo's independence. 
MORE THAN JUST THE MATH 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
10. (C) Several sources, however, have cautioned to us that 
Kosovo membership is not simply a numbers game.  A colleague 
from the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office suggested that, 
should the question come to a decision, fewer than 33 ministers 
likely would actually show up to a formal ministerial to deposit 
a positive vote.  Similarly, the Chief of Staff of the COE 
Commissioner for Human Rights, when asked if she saw sufficient 
support for Kosovo membership, responded flatly that the 
political will is not there.  The Secretariat official in charge 
of assisting the Council of Ministers also told us separately 
that there is little enthusiasm within the COE to entertain a 
possible membership application from Kosovo. 
THE COE DEVELOPMENT BANK 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
11. (C) Having recently joined the IMF and World Bank, Kosovo 
could make a compelling case for membership in the Council of 
Europe Development Bank.   When reviewing the bank's bylaws, we 
note that there is no mention of COE membership being a 
prerequisite for accession.  In fact, the Holy See, an observer 
at the COE, is a bank member.  Liechtenstein joined the bank 
before joining the COE.  We spoke recently, however, with a bank 
Vice Governor, who insisted that COE membership, or at least 
solid progress on the accession process, would be needed for 
bank membership.  When we noted the Vatican and Liechtenstein 
precedents our contact adjusted his story, but only slightly, 
noting that they were "weak" precedents.  That said, he observed 
that the bank would find it difficult to reject outright a 
membership application from Kosovo if it were actively supported 
by a majority of central European states.  (Note:  A majority of 
bank member states and a two-thirds majority of  bank "shares" 
would have to approve a membership application; France, Germany, 
and Italy each hold 16.640 percent of shares; Spain holds 10.852 
percent; Serbia holds a mere 0.470 percent; neither the UK nor 
Russia are bank members; see the bank's website for a complete 
list at http://www.coebank.org.) 
COMMENT 
- - - - - - - - 
12. (C) Should we wish to pursue either or both membership 
options for Kosovo as outlined above, we would advise careful 
preparation in member state capitals that have recognized 
Kosovo.  Such demarches, particularly regarding actual COE 
membership, would likely be most effective if done not only to 
human rights and Balkans desks, but also to the cabinets of the 
ministers themselves - given that the ministers would actually 
have to vote personally for such membership.  Likewise, we 
should approach the two candidates to replace the current 
secretary general to urge them, if elected this September, to 
take a less stringent approach on Kosovo's status within the COE 
(ref).  Finally, when faced with the likely response from some 
member states that Kosovo membership would be a 
consensus-breaker, we should use another familiar COE argument - 
it is better to have Kosovo inside the organization so that the 
COE can be more effective in promoting the rule of law, human 
rights, and democracy throughout Kosovo rather than keeping it 
outside the organization. 
CARVER