VZCZCXYZ0008
PP RUEHWEB

DE RUEHMU #0964/01 1071856
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 171856Z APR 07
FM AMEMBASSY MANAGUA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 9834
INFO RUEHZA/WHA CENTRAL AMERICAN COLLECTIVE
RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 1060
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHINGTON DC
RHEFDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC

C O N F I D E N T I A L MANAGUA 000964 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
WHA/CEN FOR WHA/OAS, G/IWI, S/WE, DRL 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/16/2017 
TAGS: KDEM KWMN PDEM PHUM PREL NU
SUBJECT: NICARAGUAN WOMEN ACTIVISTS WARN CHOICE IS 
DEMOCRACY OR AUTHORITARIANISM, NOT PARTIES 
 
REF: A. MANAGUA 06 02599 
     ¶B. MANAGUA 07 00463 
 
Classified By: Ambassador Paul A. Trivelli for reasons 1.4 (b and d) 
 
¶1.  (C). SUMMARY: Leading members of the Women's Autonomous 
Movement of Nicaragua recently met with Embassy officers to 
discuss the need to encourage women within civil society to 
defend Nicaragua's democracy, promote development, and stop 
the slide toward authoritarianism and "legal dictatorship" 
they fear is underway in their country.  These women worry 
that unless civil society acts now, Nicaragua will replicate 
Chavez,s Venezuelan model.  Although the movement first 
emerged in protest against the Somoza regime and its 
ideological roots lie with the revolutionary Sandinistas, the 
organization,s disillusionment with Daniel Ortega started in 
the mid-1980s.  Lamenting the lack of a strong opposition 
party on either the right or the left, these women are 
seeking to move beyond the traditional, anachronistic party 
structures that have perpetuated caudillo-style government 
and encourage an alliance across the political spectrum based 
on human rights, equality, freedom, and justice. 
Self-proclaimed feminists, they are leading the charge to 
debunk the FSLN mystique, particularly among the European 
left.  They termed the encounter with U.S. Embassy 
representatives "historic," as it was the first time they had 
experienced this type of dialogue with the U.S. government. 
END SUMMARY 
 
 
Historic Encounter 
- - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶2.  (C) At an informal gathering at the home of PolCouns on 
April 12, Sofia Montenegro, president of the Nicaragua's 
Women's Autonomous Movement (MAM) and a journalist by 
profession, delivered a frank and compelling history and 
evolution of the women's movement and the fight for gender 
equality during and after the war of the 1980s.  Before 
launching into her story, she remarked that this meeting was 
"historic," as it was the first time in at least 25 years 
that government representatives from the "most powerful 
country on the planet" had met with this segment of the 
Nicaraguan women's movement.  MAM started as an anti-Somoza 
group of 25 members in alliance with the Sandinista 
Liberation Front (FSLN), and then mushroomed into a movement 
during the civil war period. 
 
¶3.  (C)  Relations with the FSLN began to sour in 1984 when 
it became apparent that the Sandinistas were neither truly 
supportive of their cause nor their call for gender equality. 
 Montenegro explained that the FSLN under Daniel Ortega 
defined women as members of three limited, "non-intellectual" 
categories:  peasant (campesina), laborer (obradora), and 
pobladora (settler)--anyone else represented the "dreaded 
bourgeoisie."  Relations deteriorated further in 1986, but 
rather than sever ties with the Sandinistas, the group fought 
for and won an equal rights provision in the 1987 
constitution.  Again, just before the elections in 1990, MAM 
worked past differences within the FSLN, and agreed to a 
truce in exchange for Ortega,s commitment to increased 
female political participation, including a 50-50 split in 
power sharing. 
 
¶4.  (C) When Ortega lost the 1990 election to opposition 
leader Violeta Chamorro, he and his cohorts reneged on their 
promise to the women's movement.  The organization broke from 
the FSLN and aligned with the Sandinista Renovation Movement 
(MRS).  Although the period of political transition under 
Chamorro represented a shift toward conservatism and a return 
to greater influence of the Catholic Church, Montenegro 
dubbed it the "spring time" for women's rights compared to 
subsequent periods.  She explained the situation for women's 
rights worsened under Arnoldo Aleman,s presidency, who 
allegedly under pressure from the Catholic Church, persecuted 
the women's movement and portrayed them as feminist "man 
eaters."  During the Bolanos years the women's movement was 
essentially ignored.  The movement currently remains allied 
with the MRS, but had there been a second round in the 
November 2006 presidential election, Montenegro contended she 
along with the others would have voted for Eduardo 
Montealegre of the Nicaraguan Liberal Alliance (ALN) to 
prevent an Ortega victory.  MAM regards the victory of the 
FSLN in 2006 as the "worst possible scenario" for women. 
 
¶5.  (C) Despite difficult experiences she endured over the 
years and her disillusion with the political class, 
Montenegro never left Nicaragua.  She emphasized to us that 
under this Ortega government, she feels like an "exile" in 
her country for the first time in her life.  Nevertheless, 
her long-term dream is to create a women's political party in 
Nicaragua. 
 
Jurassic Park Politics 
- - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶6.  (C) Montenegro lamented the absence of a viable 
opposition in the Nicaraguan political scene, and is 
convinced that it is up to civil society to create an 
alternative to stop Ortega from following the Chavez path to 
a "legalized dictatorship."  While she recognized Eduardo 
Montealegre as a "contender in a field of limited choices," 
she opined that he is "not really fit for the job."  That 
said, he would have been preferable to Ortega, and many MRS 
voters would also have voted against Ortega in a run-off.  In 
her view, the Liberals represent greed and an obsession with 
money, self-interest, and patronage, while the FSLN is an 
even more dangerous breed that seeks to maintain total 
control, secrecy, and power at the cost of freedom, rule of 
law, and human rights.  Neither option will help resolve 
Nicaragua's fundamental problems.  According to Montenegro, 
both the liberals and socialists hail from a "Jurassic Park" 
of politics, fossils lodged in the past, out of touch and 
ill-equipped to deal with the realities or needs of the 
present.  While the Sandinistas are more disciplined, to 
their advantage, Liberals tend to "cannibalize" themselves. 
 
¶7.  (C) MAM leaders agreed that Nicaraguans must choose 
between democracy and authoritarianism and that 
democratic-minded parties need to overcome their differences 
and work with civil society to counter the non-democratic 
forces taking root.  The women discussed the possibility of 
forging an ALN-MRS alliance that would focus on the common 
ground of democracy, while avoiding areas of contention. 
(Comment: Unlike the situation of Venezuela, where the 
opposition and civil society woke up late in the game, the 
prospects for Nicaragua may be more promising.  As the 
actions of this group of women demonstrate, the FSLN does not 
have a lock on the left.  Nicaraguan women's groups who wave 
the banner of freedom, justice, and equality, could mobilize 
forces to preserve a democratic government and play a pivotal 
role in the municipal elections in 2008.  End Comment.) 
 
Anti-Ortega Offensive 
- - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶8.  (C) MAM members attending the meeting were instrumental 
in helping Zoilamerica Narvaez (Reftel A.) denounce her 
step-father Daniel Ortega for years of sexual abuse and 
harassment in the Nicaraguan courts, and are continuing to 
support her in bringing her case before the Inter-American 
Commission on Human Rights (IACHR).  The organization has 
actively spoken out against Ortega and his supporters who 
have "looked the other way" with regard to the Zoilamerica 
case.  In the run-up to the November 2006 presidential 
election, MAM, along with other women's organizations under 
the alliance of the Women's Network Against Violence, issued 
a statement condemning Ortega and other FSLN party members 
whom they also accused of sexual abuse, warning voters that 
their election would enable a climate of impunity and 
societal tolerance of intrafamiliar abuse of women and girls. 
 Originally planning to declare 
open opposition to Ortega on Inauguration Day in January, 
they decided to wait until March 8, International Women's 
Day, to mount an offensive with a full page declaration 
accusing the government of operating a new clandestine regime 
disguised as "Direct Democracy." 
 
¶9.  (C) The MAM,s harshly worded manifesto denounced the man 
who ascended to the presidency with a minority of the vote by 
means of the Liberal-Sandinista pact as a symbol of sexual 
abuse, male impunity, and a "veritable affront to national 
dignity."  Further, the declaration accused First Lady 
Rosario Murillo of selling out her daughter in exchange for 
political gain.  It judged the triumph of the FSLN "the worst 
possible scenario" for women, and dismissed the government's 
promise to establish a gender quota as a "grotesque" gesture 
to women.  Likening Murillo's position to that of "consort," 
the statement voiced indignation that "no one, not even a 
minority of FSLN voters had chosen (Murillo) to assume a de 
 
facto presidency."  The statement held that neither the votes 
received, nor the "pseudo-revolutionary and pseudo-religious 
rhetoric," nor a sense of cynicism could hide such a mockery. 
 MAM also organized a protest on International Women's Day, 
pointedly selecting as their venue the monument to 
journalists to emphasize freedom of expression.  Montenegro 
opined that the International Women's Day protests prompted 
First Lady Rosario Murillo to cancel a government rally she 
had planned for the same day. 
 
Feminists Debunk FSLN Mystique before Stalwart Euro Left 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶10.  (C) Unapologetic feminists, the women of MAM nonetheless 
expressed frustration with international leftist groups and 
political parties who continue to support Ortega, seemingly 
blind to his record of human rights and sexual abuses. 
Although they receive much of their support from European 
leftist and socialist NGOs and political parties, MAM finds 
the groups to be naive when it comes to the Sandinistas and 
errant in their willingness to give money directly to the 
Nicaraguan government rather than to civil society.  To 
counter the FSLN revolutionary mystique, the organization has 
launched an international outreach campaign aimed primarily 
at left-leaning organizations in Europe and the United 
States, as well as to influence public opinion and raise 
awareness of the "dark side" of the Ortega government.  One 
MAM member, Violeta Delgado, recently returned from a tour of 
Germany where she met with women's  solidarity groups, Social 
Democrats, and other left-leaning parties in 15 cities to 
speak the truth about Ortega.  She reported some success, 
although she was thrown out of one meeting. 
 
¶11. (C) MAM considers Spain a positive role model for the 
women's movement and plans to travel to the province of 
Andalucia to deliver the same message and garner 
international support.  Lauding Andalucia as a model of 
success for linking empowerment of women to development, 
Montenegro mused that this region of Spain has transformed 
from one of the poorest areas of Europe to one of the most 
prosperous in just 25 years.  The group also intends to 
expand its information campaign to the United States.  They 
are particularly interested in any assistance we can provide 
to link them to women's organizations and think tanks to help 
strengthen their institution and build capacity. 
 
Mounting a May Day Blitzkrieg 
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
¶12.  (C) Looking ahead to May 1 as another opportunity to 
unite in protest, MAM met with such organizations as the NGO 
Movimiento por Nicaragua, the Conservative Party, ALN, MRS, 
union leaders, and teachers to forge a common strategy.  All 
agreed that the day's focus should reach beyond the standard 
labor themes of workers rights and higher wages and encompass 
the broader goal of preserving democracy.  They are working 
on a "blitzkrieg" approach to organize multiple smaller 
gatherings throughout the country, while seeking private 
sector support to buttress their efforts.  They also will 
enlist media coverage, and plan to issue another proclamation 
against the Ortega government. 
 
Red Alerts 
- - - - - - 
 
¶13.  (C) Three MAM members, Jamileth Mejia, Juanita Jimenez, 
and Violeta Delgado, also belong to the NGO Network of Women 
against Violence, an umbrella group encompassing women's 
organizations across ideological lines.  They warned us that 
as part of its modus operandi, the FSLN is attempting to 
infiltrate the Network.  As Sofia Montenegro explained, the 
FSLN strategy is to penetrate, divide, and attack.  As a 
result of their efforts to gain access to the Network, the 
FSLN is sowing mistrust and discord among Network members. 
The ability to instill fear and intimidate, they worry, could 
weaken the Network.  Therefore, the women prefer to work with 
us from their position within the uncompromised MAM. 
Reiterating concerns about Chavez,s influence, they reported 
that Venezuela plans to name a women beholden to Chavez to a 
seat on the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 
(IAHRC).  In contrast to a similar decision by Evo Morales of 
Bolivia, who named an accomplished woman with responsible 
feminist credentials to the IAHRC, they regard Chavez,s pick 
as a cynical move, and part of a strategy to protect Ortega's 
hide on three contentious issues:  the ongoing case of 
 
Zoilamerica, the human rights case of the Miskito Indians, 
and the Nicaraguan government's decision to criminalize 
therapeutic abortion. 
 
¶14.  (C) Participants: 
 
U.S. 
 
Victoria Alvarado, Political Counselor 
Irene Marr, Political Officer 
Nicole Chulick, INL Coordinator, Political Officer 
Darla Jordan, Public Diplomacy Officer 
Isa Laporte, FSN Political Section 
Danika Walters, USAID 
Deborah Ulmer, National Democratic Institute 
 
Nicaragua 
 
Sofia Montenegro, Women's Autonomous Movement of Nicaragua 
Jamileth Mejia, Women's Autonomous Movement of Nicaragua and 
Network of Women Against Violence 
Juanita Jimenez, Women's Autonomous Movement of Nicaragua and 
Network of Women Against Violence 
Violeta Delgado, Women's Autonomous Movement of Nicaragua and 
Network of Women Against Violence 
Patricia Orozco, Women's Autonomous Movement of Nicaragua 
Azalhea Solis, Women's Autonomous Movement of Nicaragua 
Zoilamerica Narvaez, Fundacion Sobrevivientes 
 
Comment 
- - - - 
 
¶15.  (C) We believe that Post's longstanding support for 
Zoilamerica and its decision to present her with the "women 
of courage award" on International Women's Day (Reftel B.), 
along with our efforts to foster dialogues and networking 
with women across party lines, created an opening of trust 
with the leadership of the Women's Autonomous Movement.  This 
connection offers the potential to help forge alliances with 
female civil society actors, the media, private sector, and 
NGOs.  Such alliances will be critical to keeping pressure on 
the political parties and National Assembly leaders to 
maintain a check on the Ortega government's autocratic and 
undemocratic tendencies.  It is essential to encourage these 
forces for change and to create spaces for women to have 
their voices heard in a context that will reach society at 
large. 
 
 
 
TRIVELLI